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Women Being Sent to the Gallows in Alarming Numbers in Iran

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Many Were Child Brides Hanged for Murder of Abusive Husbands From Whom There Was No Protection  December 18, 2024 — Amidst a huge surge in executions in the Islamic Republic— 862 so far in 2024, the highest per capita execution rate globally—the Iranian authorities are now increasingly including women in those it sends to the gallows. Since the start of 2024, Iran has executed at least 29 women. More executions of women may have taken place that are unknown.

The Persecution of Homosexuals under the Nazi Regime


Before the storm


Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld
In 1898, Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld circulated a petition to abolish [Paragraph 175 criminalizing homosexual relations in Germany]. He obtained the signatures of prominent writers, lawyers, politicians, and church dignitaries. The petition was discussed in the Reichstag and rejected. Only the Social Democratic Party, under the guidance of August Bebel, pleaded the reform. Most deputies were outraged and did not hide their abhorrence.

Photo: Dr Magnus Hirschfeld

All the old arguments of the past were marshaled: homosexuality corrupts a nation; it breaks the moral fiber of the citizens; it is un-Germanic; it is connected with dangerously corrosive left-wing and Jewish elements (this from the right), or it is typical of the dissolute aristocracy and high bourgeoisie (this from the left). Above all, the spread of homosexual behavior would lead to Germany's decline, just as it has always spearheaded the ruin of great empires. Such arguments, recycled and sometimes imbued with Himmler's special brand of crackpot fanaticism, would later reappear in numerous Nazi directives.

Despite the setback in 1898, Hirschfeld refused to give up. Soon afterwards, he issued one of his many pleas for understanding, an appeal entitled What People Should Know about the Third Sex. By the outbreak of WWI, more than 50,000 copies had been distributed. Hirschfeld's tireless efforts, while in many respects enlightened, nevertheless did much to establish the notion of homosexuals as a medically defined, vulnerable, and official minority.

Like many turn-of-the-century psychiatrists, he wanted legal punishment to be replaced by treatment of patients who deserved to be pitied and helped rather than censured and ignored. He followed the conventions of his time when he sought the key to homosexuality by measuring the circumferences of male pelvises and chests in an attempt to define a physiologically recognizable "third sex."

Only after the Nazis had turned his lifework into ashes did he concede that, on the one hand, he had failed to prove that homosexuals were characterized by distinct and measurable biological and physiological qualities and that, on the other hand, he had unwittingly deepened popular prejudices by endowing male homosexuals with "feminine" characteristics. This had only served to confirm the prevailing assumption that because homosexuals were "not really men," they were therefore inferior.

The notion of homosexuals as "basically different" permitted the left as well as the right to revile them whenever it was politically expedient to do so. The very word homosexual could be used as an epithet and a term of opprobrium. (1)

Police bans, raids and arrests: 1933 to 1935


A few days after the Reichstag Fire (27 February 1933), the Prussian Minister of the Interior issued three decrees for the combating of public indecency. The first was directed against prostitution and venereal diseases. The second concerned the closure of bars which 'are misused for the furtherance of public indecency'. Included in this definition were public houses solely or mainly frequented by persons who engage in unnatural sex acts', and proceedings were to be immediately started to revoke their licence. The third decree prohibited kiosks and magazine stands, in hire libraries and bookshops, from trading in books or other publications which, 'whether because they include nude illustrations or because of their title or contents, are liable to produce erotic effects in the beholder'- the penalty being a fine, revocation of the hire agreement or withdrawal of the trading licence.

Photo: Couple photographed in Berlin in 1926. (Source: Schwules Museum, Berlin)

Although neither those affected nor the public at large were initially aware of it, these decrees already betokened a policy that would assume a clearer shape over the following months and years: a policy of arbitrary measures designed to deter and to eradicate through terror, and of coercive measures to cure the 'scourge' of homosexuality.

In the next few months, most of the bars known as meeting-places for homosexual men and women were closed down in all the big towns of Germany.

The few which escaped for whatever reason would later serve the police and the Gestapo as places where the 'scene', and what was considered as such, could be more easily kept under observation. Public and hire libraries and bookshops were purged of writings that now counted as 'indecent'- in effect, all literary, popular and scientific works published since the turn of the century, and especially since the First World War, which dealt with the theme of homosexuality and 'the love without a name'. 

Magazines of the homosexual liberation movement - for example, Blätter für Menschenrecht, Die Insel or Der Kreis - had to abandon publication. Publishing houses such as Adolf Brand's (which printed Der Eigene, among others) underwent searches and had part of their stock confiscated, so that in the end there remained nothing other than bankruptcy.

On 6 May 1933 Magnus Hirschfeld's Sexual Science Institute, renowned well beyond the limits of Berlin, was destroyed, and on 10 May Hirschfeld's writings were publicly burned together with those of Moll, Ellis, Freud and many others. The Scientific-Humanitarian Committee, the political organization which had fought since 1897 to repeal §l75 of the Penal Code, was forced to give up its work.

A year later, in February 1934, followed the edicts of the Prussian Minister of the Interior [ H. Göring] on the preventive detention of 'professional criminals' and the regular surveillance of those still 'running free', as it put it. The concepts of professional criminal and habitual sex offender were arbitrarily defined and then reintroduced into legal terminology.

The ensuing operations especially affected homosexual paedophile men, a category which before 1933 had accounted for the majority of those sentenced under sections 174 to 176 of the Penal Code. In the second half of 1934, allegedly in connection with the events surrounding the so-called Röhm Putsch, a special section was set up at Gestapo Headquarters to deal with cases involving homosexuality. At the end of the year all Regional Criminal Police Bureaux were asked for lists of persons who had been homosexually active in the past, especial interest being expressed in their membership of Nazi organizations. lt has not so far been possible to ascertain whether and to what extent this registration served as the foundation for nation-wide actions against homosexual men.

In Berlin a number of pubs were raided in March 1935. According to a tabular survey drawn up for the Reichsführer-SS, 413 of the 1770 men held in 'preventive detention' were identified in June 1935 as 'homosexuals', 325 of them interned in the infamous concentration camp at Lichtenburg. 

Parallel to these drastic arbitrary measures devoid of any legal basis, efforts were intensified to develop a new penal code for the 'Third Reich'. In October 1933, on Hitler's orders, Reich Minister of Justice Gürtner hooked the members of an official Criminal Law Commission and made Wenzeslaus Graf von Gleispach, the Viennese conservative theorist of criminal law, responsible for the 'sex offences' rubric. 

While the Commission discussed how the criminal law should be adapted to the ideology of the Nazi state and whether this required a tightening of §l75, a trial al the Weimar Court caused a great stir in April 1935. For the verdict, which sentenced several people to terms of imprisonment for offences under §l75, drove a coach and horses through previous interpretation of the law. The judge's opinion warned that in future any homosexual activity would be punished. And the case never got as far as the Reichsgericht [Supreme Court], which should evidently have been brought in at that stage to give a higher ruling. In late June 1935 the Sixth Amendment to the Penal Code, containing crucial changes in the criminalization of homosexuality, was adopted to widespread surprise. (2)

1936, the stepping up of prosecutions


Fence, Sachsenhausen concentration camp
With the support of new legal definitions of crime, a tightly knit national police and security apparatus, and a public opinion manipulated by propaganda and demagogy, the rate of prosecutions greatly increased after 1936. Whereas just a thousand people were convicted in 1934, there were already 5,310 in 1936.

Photo: Electrified fence, Sachsenhausen concentration camp

Two years later, the statistics referred to 8,562 legally valid convictions. The police and prosecution departments, in the words of a regular commentary on crime figures, acted 'with ever growing vigour' against 'these moral aberrations which are so harmful to the strength of the Volk. And Prosecutor-General Wagner stressed what one could not have expected to be otherwise after all the investment in propaganda and police searches: 'the public, through its increased level of reporting, also [supports...] the fight against these offenses. Broadly speaking, no more homosexual acts were committed [ ...] than before, but they were recorded and prosecuted on a much larger scale than before.

Whereas between 1931 and 1933 a total of 2,319 persons were put on trial and found guilty of offences under §l75 of the Penal Code, this figure rose nearly tenfold in the first three years after the tougher redefinition of offenses. In the years from 1936 to 1938 the number convicted came to 22,143. No reliable data are available for the war years after 1943, so that the total number of convictions for homosexuality in the 'Third Reich' can only be estimated - roughly 50,000 men according to Wuttke. But the Gestapo or the Reich Office had considerably more on record as suspects or as presumed partners. Between 1937 and 1940 there were more than 90,000 men and youths.

Alongside this numerical increase there was also a qualitative toughening of prosecution policy. After 1933 the number of acquittals continually declined and by 1936 was down to a mere quarter of the figure for 1918 (the year with the most verdicts of 'not guilty'). The same trend is apparent in the fines handed down by courts, in comparison with which there was a marked increase in sentences of imprisonment or penal servitude. Men with previous convictions were treated with particular severity - above all so-called corrupters of youth, but also young men considered to be 'rentboys'.

At the instigation of the Reich Office special mobile units of the Gestapo carried out operations in a number of towns. The reasons could be quite varied: from the eradication of 'centres of the epidemic' in day or boarding schools to denunciations with a real or alleged political background.

There is no evidence of a sudden nationwide 'clampdown' comparable to the attacks on Jews in the pogrom night of 1938. But the offensive was certainly coordinated in a number of ways. This was particularly true of actions with a clear political motivation: e.g., the arrests of thousands of priests, religions brothers and lay persons during the staged 'cloister trials' against the Catholic Church or the targeting of the activities of the Bund Youth that had already been banned in 1934, where special prominence was given to the trial of the Nerother Wandervogel in 1936.

The ultimately arbitrary nature of the Nazis' practice, especially that of Heinrich Himmler as architect of their anti-homosexual policy, is illustrated by the special regulation approved in October 1937 for actors and artists. Under the pretext of 'Reichization'- that is, of applying uniform norms throughout the Reich - the rules on preventive detention and police supervision that had been issued three years before were made tougher still at the end of 1937.

Now anyone who fitted the completely arbitrary criteria for an 'experienced' or 'habitual' male homosexual had to reckon that, after serving his term of imprisonment or penal servitude, he would be deported for 're-education' in a concentration camp. (3)

Denunciations, arrests and convictions


The police work of tracking down suspected homosexuals depended largely on denunciations from ordinary citizens. Nazi propaganda that labeled homosexuals "antisocial parasites" and "enemies of the state" inflamed already existing prejudices. Citizens turned in men, often on the flimsiest evidence, for as many reasons as there were denunciations. Reflecting on the dramatic rise of legal proceedings against homosexuals since 1933, Josef Meisinger of the Reich Central Office for Combating Homosexuality and Abortion proudly remarked in April 1937: "We must naturally also take into account the greater public readiness to report [homosexuality] as a result of National Socialist education."

Photo: Police report about homosexual activity, Vienna, Austria. (Polizeibericht. Aus dem Akt 1741/1942 des Ersten Wiener. Landgerichtes. Bestand des Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchives.)

Acting on the basis of these informants, the Gestapo and Criminal Police arbitrarily seized and questioned suspects as well as possible corroborating witnesses. Those denounced were often forced to give up names of friends and acquaintances, thereby becoming informants themselves. Where criminal proceedings once required a proved act, now a suggestive accusation sufficed.

During the Nazi era, some 100,000 men were arrested on violations of [an upgraded, harsher] Paragraph 175. Of these, nearly 78,000 were arrested during the three years between Heinrich Himmler's appointment as chief of German police in 1936 and the outbreak of World War II in 1939. The Gestapo and Criminal Police worked in tandem, occasionally in massive sweeps but more often as follow–up to individual denunciations.

Most victims were from the working class. Less able to afford private apartments or homes, they found partners in semi–public places that put them at greater risk of discovery, including by police entrapment.

As reports of the massive arrests spread, mostly by word of mouth, a pervasive atmosphere of fear enveloped Germany's homosexuals. Just as the state desired, the physical repression of a minority of homosexual men served to limit activities of the vast majority.

Of the estimated 100,000 men arrested under Paragraph 175 between 1933 and 1945, half were convicted of violating the law. Just as arrests rose precipitously after the 1935 revision of Paragraph 175, so, too, did conviction rates, reaching more than ten times those of the last years of the Weimar Republic and peaking at more than 8,500 in 1938. Prison sentences, the most common punishment in the Nazi persecution of homosexuals, varied with the sexual act involved and the individual's prior history.

For many, imprisonment meant hard labor, part of the Nazi "re–education" program. Conditions in German prisons, penitentiaries, and penal camps were notoriously wretched, and those incarcerated under Paragraph 175 faced both the brutality of the guards and the hatred of their fellow inmates.

In a small number of cases, medical experts testified that some homosexuality constituted a serious mental illness and danger to society. Under Paragraph 42b of the Reich Criminal Code, some men were institutionalized, a fate that could have disastrous consequences (including death) during the war. (4)

Death penalty for homosexual offenders


Buchenwald concentration camp
Himmler remained adamant that harsh punishment should be meted out to presumed homosexuals, as a deterrent to spreading this "plague." It is virtually certain that Himmler himself was behind the November 1941 introduction of a mandatory death penalty for homosexual offenses in the ranks of the police and the SS. Hitler promptly and decisively sabotaged the full thrust of the ordinance, which was quite evidently one of deterrence by means of the threat of the death sentence, at the moment he signed it.

He told Hans-Heinrich Lammers, the head of the Reich Chancellery, that it should on no account be made public, either in the press or any official gazette, because its release would give the whole world the impression that homosexual offenses were so prevalent in the SS and police that "such draconian measures" were positively required to bring the problem under control.

Photo: Buchenwald concentration camp, morning roll call

Whereupon Lammers very sensibly pointed out that potential offenders needed to know in advance that the death penalty awaited them. Why would they be more readily deterred from the crime if they did not know that the law now treated it as a capital offense? Hitler's response was that this was Himmler's problem. He could figure out how to get the message across to all current and future SS and police members "in an appropriate fashion."

Himmler's solution was that all SS men were now meant to sign a declaration, confirming that this delicate question had been explained adequately to them, and that they would not engage in any such acts. The form would be kept in their personnel file, and brandished at them if they later claimed ignorance. The statement read:

I have been instructed that the Führer has decreed in his order of 15 November 1941, in order to keep the SS and the police clean of all vermin of a homosexual nature, that a member of the SS or police who commits an indecent act with another man, or allows himself to be indecently abused by him, will be put to death without consideration of his age.

Hitler's 1941 decree itself was meant to be read out in full to the SS man at the time of signing. He was also ordered to report any "immoral advances" even if they involved a superior officer (which in a sense broke his SS oath of unswerving loyalty and absolute obedience). The existence of so few of these forms in personnel files suggests that this was far from standard procedure. Several SS NCOs later charged with homosexuality claimed quite plausibly never to have heard of the Führer's order in the first place.[...]

While it may be true that the warnings about homosexuality were not always read out as prescribed in some Nazi organizations, it can hardly have escaped the notice of a single policeman in Germany that homosexuality was a serious offense. But again one has to wonder whether the ordinary policeman on the beat knew about the subtleties of the vague law as interpreted by the Supreme Court in 1935, a change that thereafter made mere mutual masturbation punishable with a prison sentence. (5)

Experiments in reversal of hormonal polarity at Buchenwald


In contrast to the compulsory castration and typhus fever experiments, the hormonal experiments on homosexual men at Buchenwald are quite well documented. They were conducted in strict secrecy on the orders of the SS by the Danish doctor Carl Peter Jensen, alias Carl Vaernet. He went to Germany in 1942 after being forced to give up a practice he had had in Copenhagen since 1934. His contact with the leader of the Danish Nazi Party, his colleague Frits Clausen, must already have cost him a lot of patients in the first year of the war. 

In summer 1943 he was brought to Himmler's attention by the SS Reich Doctor, Dr Grawitz. Vaernet's claim that his hormonal research in the thirties had made it possible to cure homosexual men aroused Himmler's undivided interest. He gave instructions for Vaernet to be treated with 'the utmost generosity', and to be given the possibility of continuing his research in a Prague cover firm coming under the Reichsführer-SS, 'German Medicines Ltd.' By July 1944 he was in a position to start the human experiments. Buchenwald concentration camp was instructed to place five prisoners at his disposal.

Photo: Experiments in reversal of hormonal polarity were carried out by Danish doctor Carl Peter Jensen, alias Carl Vaernet in Buchenwald. Above: Unidentified medical experiment carried out in Buchenwald concentration camp, United States Holocaust Memorial.

Surviving documents tell us about the choice and temporal sequence of the experiments. Together with Schiedlausky, the Waffen-SS garrison doctor at Weimar-Buchenwald, Vaernet first selected the five prisoners during a visit to Buchenwald in late July 1944, then nominated a further ten on 8 December. 

According to a memorandum (from the prisoners 'sick bay?) four of the five selected in July were identified as homosexuals and one as an SV or Sittlichkeitsverbrecher [sex criminel]. Of the December batch all we know (from a memorandum drawn up in October) is that six of them had been castrated. It is very likely that these too were pink-triangle prisoners, so that altogether at least ten male homosexuals would have been subjected to Vaernet's experiments.

A total of fifteen prisoners were selected. Vaernet 'operated' on twelve men - if that term can be applied at all in the nightmarish conditions of the camp. What actually happened is that he made an incision in the groin and implanted a hormone preparation in the form of a briquette; the release of hormones was then checked through examination of the blood and urine.

What seems to us today a macabre experiment was heralded by Vaernet as a great success. But in his reports to the SS leadership he did not say a word about one effect which was nevertheless quite apparent to him. If the victims readily gave the answers expected of them, they did so partly at least in the hope that they would be pronounced 'cured' and soon released from the terrible reality of the concentration camp. To the SS Reich Doctor Vaernet suggested three results of 'direct importance to the war': the maintenance or restoration of a full capacity for work, the better possibilities of sustenance, and an increase in the birth-rate.

Little is known of the victims' fate. One prisoner was already dead by December 1944. But of those who may have survived, we do not know of any who applied for compensation after 1945. (This is true also of persons born after 1910, who might have been likely to take advantage of the new regulations for the compensation of victims of sterilization and castration that came into force in the late 1980s.)

As for the perpetrators, the experiments were not explicitly mentioned in the list of charges at the Nuremberg doctors' trial. The SS doctors Schiedlausky and Ding were condemned to death for other profoundly inhuman experiments. 

Vaernet himself evaded responsibility by fleeing to South America. (6)

That barbaric murder of my love...


Pierre Seel, photographed in 1997 by Orion Delain
Foreword: On 3 May 1941, Pierre Seel was arrested for suspected homosexuality, tortured, raped and sent to the Schirmeck concentration camp, about 30 km west of Strasbourg (then in Nazi occupied France.) About his stay in the camp, he later noted: "There was no solidarity for the homosexual prisoners; they belonged to the lowest caste. Other prisoners, even when between themselves, used to target them." Pierre also witnessed the execution of his eighteen-year-old lover, Jo, by means of assault from a pack of dogs. Pierre Seel (16 August 1923 – 25 November 2005) was the only French person to have testified openly about his experience of deportation during World War II due to his homosexuality.

Days, weeks, months wore by. I spent six months, from May to November 1941, in that place, where horror and savagery were the law. But I've put off describing the worst ordeal I suffered. It happened during my earliest weeks in the camp and contributed more than anything else to making me a silent, obedient shadow among the others. One day the loudspeakers ordered us to report immediately to the roll-call site. Shouts and yells urged us to get there without delay. Surrounded by SS men, we had to form a square and stand at attention, as we did for morning roll call. The commandant appeared with his entire general staff. I assumed he was going to bludgeon us once again with his blind faith in the Reich, together with a list of orders, insults, and threats -- emulating the infamous outpourings of his master, Adolf Hitler. But the actual ordeal was far worse: an execution.

Photo: Pierre Seel, photographed by Orion Delain in 1997

Two SS men brought a young man to the center of our square. Horrified, I recognized Jo, my loving friend, who was only eighteen years old. I hadn't previously spotted him in the camp. Had he arrived before or after me? We hadn't seen each other during the days before I was summoned by the Gestapo. Now I froze in terror. I had prayed that he would escape their lists, their roundups, their humiliations. And here he was, before my powerless eyes, which filled with tears. Unlike me, he had not carried dangerous letters, torn down posters, or signed any statements. And yet he had been caught and he was about to die. What had happened? What had the monsters accused him of? Because of my anguish I have completely forgotten the wording of the death sentence.

Then the loudspeakers broadcast some noisy classical music while the SS stripped him naked and shoved a tin pail over his head. Next they sicced their ferocious German shepherds on him: the guard dogs first bit into his groin and thighs, then devoured him right in front of us. His shrieks of pain were distorted and amplified by the pail in which his head was trapped. My rigid body reeled, my eyes gaped at so much horror, tears poured down my cheeks, I fervently prayed that he would black out quickly.

Since then I sometimes wake up howling in the middle of the night. For fifty years now that scene has kept ceaselessly passing and repassing through my mind. I will never forget that barbaric murder of my love -- before my eyes, before our eyes, for there were hundreds of witnesses. Why are they still silent today? Have they all died? It's true that we were among the youngest in the camp and that a lot of time has gone by. But I suspect that some people prefer to remain silent forever, afraid to stir up the hideous memories, like that one among so many others.

As for myself, after decades of silence I have made up my mind to speak, to accuse, to bear witness. (7)

Homosexuals in Buchenwald


Homosexuelle Männer im KZ Sachsenhausen, Joachim Müller und Andreas Sternweiler, Schwules Museum Berlin, Verlag Rosa Winkel, 2000.
On the situation of homosexuals at the Buchenwald camp, in block 36, these extracts from the testimony of Jaroslav Bartl:

"We worked in the stone quarry in impossible conditions, under the perpetual threat of the guns of the SS guards, the screams and blows of the foremen. Accidents and fatal injuries were daily occurrences, and not a day went by without one one or more detainees were shot. Almost every morning [...] the kapo received from the SS a list with the number of detainees who were not to return. [...]

Photo Roll call, Walter Timm, Sachsenhausen, 1945. Source: Homosexuelle Männer im KZ Sachsenhausen, Joachim Müller und Andreas Sternweiler, Schwules Museum Berlin, Verlag Rosa Winkel, 2000.

One of the foremen's favorite sports was to bludgeon the inmates while they pulled the wagons. In half an hour, we had to hoist them up five hundred meters then let them come down while holding them back because their weight made them gain considerable speed. When one of the carts derailed, the next cart crashed into the inmates, causing serious injuries. It often happened that a prisoner whose leg had been crushed was transported to the infirmary. Once there, he was definitely lost: an SS doctor gave him a lethal injection." (Quoted in Homosexual Häfltlinge im Konzentrationlager Buchenwald, Nationale Mahn und Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, 1987.)

Also this testimony on the situation of homosexuals in the Buchenwald concentration camp, taken from the camp archives:

"H.D., commercial employee, born in 1915, was arrested on March 20, 1938 when he had gone to Prague illegally [...] A confession had been extracted from his lover with whom he had been arrested.  He was therefore sentenced to three and a half years in prison for "moral outrages". After having served his sentence, he was sent to the Buchenwald concentration camp in November 1941.

Photo: Prisoners during a roll call at the Buchenwald concentration camp. Source: US Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of Robert A. Schmuhl

"What first  impressed him at his arrival were the corpses of the inmates of the disciplinary company which were thrown like sacks of wheat in front of the door. Moreover, that evening, a young homosexual had hanged himself, and everyone continued to eat quietly without question, not paying attention to the lifeless body [...] On January 4, 1942, he was sent to a medical laboratory where urticaria fever was being experimented with and where young homosexuals were preferably used as human guinea pigs. H.D. resisted the illness although he later suffered from heart problems [...]

In the meantime, new homosexuals, condemned by article 175, were quickly shot in the bunker." (8)

Arrival at Sachsenhausen


Sachsenhausen concentration camp, main gate
By January 1940 the complement for the transport was made up, and we were to be taken to a camp. One night we were loaded thirty to forty at a time into the police wagons, and driven to a freight station where a prison train was already waiting. This train consisted mainly of cattle trucks with heavily barred open windows, as well as so-called cell wagons. These were also cattle trucks, but divided up into five or six cells, similarly barred, and set aside for the worst criminals.

Photo: Sachsenhausen concentration camp, main gate

I was placed in one of these cells, together with two young men of about my age. We remained together the whole journey. This lasted thirteen days, and proceeded via Salzburg, Munich, Frankfurt, and Leipzig to Berlin-Oranienburg. Each evening we were put off the train and taken to a prison to spend the night, sometimes by truck, but other times on foot. If we went on foot, we had to march in long heavy chains. These gave a ghostly rattle, like a slave caravan in the depths of the Middle Ages, and passersby would stare fixedly at us in terror.

The cells in the cell wagon only had proper room for one person, with a wooden table and bench. That was the entire furniture, not even a water jug or chamber pot. We were fed only in the evening, at the prisons where we stopped overnight, aslo being given there a large piece of bread to take on the train the next day. If the train was to stay clean, then we could only attend to the wants of nature at night [...]

When we reached the Oranienburg station, we were again loaded up a ramp onto trucks and driven to Sachsenhausen camp [...] As soon as we were unloaded on the large, open parade ground, some SS NCOs came along and attacked us with sticks. We had to form up in rows of five, and it took quite a while, and many blows and insults, before our terrified ranks were assembled. Then we had a roll call, having to step forward and repeat our name and offense, whereupon we were immediately handed over to our particular block leader.

When my name was called I stepped forward, gave my name, and mentioned Paragraph 175. With the words. "You filthy queer, get over there, you butt-fucker!" I received several kicks from behind and was kicked over to an SS sergeant who had charge of my block. The first thing I got from him was a violent blow on my face that threw me to the ground. I pulled myself up and respectfully stood before him, whereupon he brought his knee up hard into my groin so that I doubled up with pain on the ground. Some prisoners who were on duty immediately called out to me. "Stand up quick, otherwise he'll kick you to bits!" My face still twisted, I stood up again in front of my block sergeant, who grinned at me and said: "That was your entrance fee, you filthy Viennese swine, so that you know who your block leader is."

When the whole transport was finally divided up, there were about twenty men in our category. We were driven to our block at the double, interrupted by the commands: "Lie down! Stand up! Lie down, stand up!" and so on, from the block leader and some of his men, then having once again to form up in ranks of three. We then had to strip completely naked, lay our clothes on the ground in front of us, with shoes and socks on top, and wait - wait - wait. It was January and a few degrees below zero, with an icy wind blowing through the camp, yet we were left naked and barefoot on the snow-covered ground, to stand and wait. An SS corporal in winter coat with fur collar strode through our ranks and struck now one of us, now another, with a horsewhip, crying. "This is so you don't make me feel cold, you filthy queers." He also trod deliberately on the prisoners' toes with his heavy boots, making them cry out in pain. Anyone who made a sound, however, was immediately punched in the stomach with the butt end of his whip with a force that took his breath away. Almost sweating from dealing out blows up and down, the SS corporal said, "You queers are going to remain here until you cool off."*

Finally, after a terribly long time, we were allowed to march to the showers - still naked and barefoot. Our clothes, which had already had nametags put in, remained behind, and had vanished when we returned. We had to wash ourselves in cold water, and some of the new arrivals collapsed with cold and exhaustion. Only then did the camp doctor have the warrn water turned on, so that we could thaw ourselves out. After the shower we were taken to the next room, where we had to cut our hair, pubic hair included. Finally we were taken, still naked - to the clothing stores, where we were given underwear and were "fitted" with prison clothing.'This was distributed quite irrespective of size. The trousers I received were far too short, and came only just below my calves; the jacket was much too narrow and had too-short sleeves. Only the coat fitted tolerably well, but by mere accident. The shoes were a little too big and smelled strongly of sweat, but they had leather soles, which made walking a lot easier than the wooden soled shoes that many new arrivals received. As far as clothing went, at least, I didn't do too badly. Then we had to form up again outside our block and have its organization explained to us by the camp commander. Our block was occupied only by homosexuals, with about 250 men in each wing. We could only sleep in our nightshirts, and had to keep our hands outside the blankets, for: "You queer assholes aren't going to start jerking off here!" The windows had a centimeter of ice on them. Anyone found with his underclothes on in bed or his hands under his blanket - there were checks almost every night - was taken outside and had several bowls of water poured over him before being left standing outside for a good hour. Only a few people survived this treatment. The least result was bronchitis, and it was rare for any gay person taken into the sick bay to come out alive. We who wore the pink triangle were prioritized for medical experiments, and these generally ended in death. For my part, therefore, I took every care I could not to offend against the regulations.

Our block senior and his aides were "greens" - that is, criminals. They looked it, and behaved like it too. Brutal and merciless toward us "queers," and concerned only with their own privilege and advantage, they were as much feared by us as the SS. In Sachsenhausen, at least, a homosexual was never permitted to have any position of responsibility. Nor could we even speak with prisoners from other blocks, with a different-colored badge; we were told we might try to seduce them. And yet homosexuality was much more rife in the other blocks, where there were no men with the pink triangle, than it was in our own. We were also forbidden to approach nearer than five meters of the other blocks. Anyone caught doing so was whipped on the "horse," and was sure of at least fifteen to twenty strokes. Other categories of prisoner were similarly forbidden to enter our block. We were to remain isolated as the damnedest of the damned, the camp's "shitty queers," condemned to liquidation and helpless prey to all the torments inflicted by the SS and the Kapos.

The day regularly began at 6 a.m., or 5 a.m. in summer, and in just half an hour we had to be washed, dressed, and have our beds made in the military style. If you still had time, you could have breakfast, which meant hurriedly slurping down the thin flour soup, hot or lukewarm, and eating your piece of bread. Then we had to form up in eights on the parade ground for morning roll call. Work followed, in winter from 7-30 a.m. to 5 p.m., and in summer from 7 a.m. to 8 p.m., with a half-hour break at the workplace. After work, straight back to the camp and immediate parade for evening roll call. Each block marched in formation to the parade ground and had its permanent position there. The morning parade was not so drawn out as the much-feared evening roll call, for only the block numbers were counted, which took about an hour, and then the command was given for work detachments to form up.

At every parade, those who had just died had also to be present; that is, they were laid out at the end of each block and counted as well. Only after the parade, having been tallied by the report officer, were they taken to the mortuary and subsequently burned.Disabled prisoners had also to be present for parade. Time and again we helped or carried comrades to the parade ground who had been beaten by the SS only hours before. Or we had to bring along fellow prisoners who were half-frozen or feverish, so as to have our numbers complete. Any man missing from our block meant many blows and thus further deaths. We new arrivals were now assigned to our work, which was to keep the area around the block clean. That at least is what we were told by the NCO in charge. In reality, the purpose was to break the very last spark of independent spirit that might possibly remain in the new prisoners, by senseless yet very heavy labor, and to destroy the little human dignity that we still retained. This work continued until a new batch of pink-triangle prisoners were delivered to our block and we were replaced. Our work, then, was as follows: in the moming we had to cart the snow outside our block from the left side of the road to the right side. In the aftemoon we had to cart the same snow back from the right side to the left. We didn't have barrows and shovels to perform this work either - that would have been far too simple for us "queers." No, our SS masters had thought up something much better. We had to put on our coats with the buttoned side backward, and take the snow away in the container this provided. We had to shovel up the snow with our hands - our bare hands, as we didn't have any gloves. We worked in teams of two. Twenty turns at shoveling up the snow with our hands, then twenty turns at carry ing it away. And so right through to the evening, and all at the double! This mental and bodily torment lasted six days, until at last new pink-triangle prisoners were delivered to our block and took over from us. Our hands were cracked all over and half frozen off, and we had become dumb and indifferent slaves of the SS. I learned from prisoners who had already been in our block a good while that in summer similar work was done with earth and sand. Above the gate of the prison camp, however, the "meaningful" Nazi slogan was written in big capitals. "Freedom through work!"

*The German slang word for homosexual used here is "warmer Bruder", literally "hot brother", which gives occasion for a lot of vicious puns. (9)

Sources:

1 - The Pink Triangle, Richard Plant, Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 1986.

2 - Hidden Holocaust ?, Günter Grau, Cassell, 1995. Translated from German by Patrick Camiller.

3 - Hidden Holocaust ?, Günter Grau, Cassell, 1995. Translated from German by Patrick Camiller.


5 - Why bother about homosexuals? Homophobia and Sexual Politics in Nazi Germany, Geoffrey J. Giles, Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, D.C., August 2002.

6 - Hidden Holocaust ?, Günter Grau, London: Cassell, 1995. Translated from German by Patrick Camiller.

7 - I, Pierre Seel, deported homosexual, A Memoir of Nazi Terror, by Pierre Seel and Jean Le Bitoux. Translated from the French by Joachim Neugroschel. Basic Books, Harper Collins Publishers, 1995.

8 - Les oubliés de la mémoire, Jean Le Bitoux, Babélio, 2002

9 - The Men with the Pink Triangle, Heinz Heger (alias), translated by David Fernbach, Alyson Books, 1980



Source: Death Penalty News, Texts compiled by DPN editor, January 2024.


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