USA | Should Medical Research Regulations and Informed Consent Principles Apply to States’ Use of Experimental Execution Methods?
New drugs and medical treatments undergo rigorous testing to ensure they are safe and effective for public use. Under federal and state regulations, this testing typically involves clinical trials with human subjects, who face significant health and safety risks as the first people exposed to experimental treatments. That is why the law requires them to be fully informed of the potential effects and give their voluntary consent to participate in trials.
Yet these regulations have not been followed when states seek to use novel and untested execution methods — subjecting prisoners to potentially torturous and unconstitutionally painful deaths. Some experts and advocates argue that states must be bound by the ethical and human rights principles of biomedical research before using these methods on prisoners.
Nitrogen gas execution was first proposed by an Oklahoma state legislator, based on a documentary by a British TV personality — neither of whom had any medical training or experience. Veterinarians advise against using nitrogen gas to euthanize animals based on evidence that the animals suffer during the process. But when Alabama scheduled the first nitrogen gas execution in history for January 25, 2024, virtually no regulatory barriers stood in its way. The state released a heavily redacted execution protocol that left many details of the method hazy. Lawsuits challenging the method by the condemned prisoner, Kenneth Smith, and other death-sentenced Alabama prisoners have been mostly unsuccessful. Courts have largely accepted the state’s claims that the method would be “humane” and “painless,” causing unconsciousness in “seconds.”
By contrast, Mr. Smith and the seven men that have since been executed using nitrogen gas displayed a disturbing pattern of reactions, summarized vividly by Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor: “apparent consciousness for minutes, not seconds; and violent convulsing, eyes bulging, consistent thrashing against the restraints, and clear gasping for the air that will not come.” She wrote in dissent in Mr. Smith’s case that Alabama “selected him as its ‘guinea pig’ to test a method of execution never attempted before,” and the Supreme Court had allowed the state to “experiment…with a human life.” In a dissent from the Court’s decision to deny review of Anthony Boyd’s appeal, Justice Sotomayor argued that “when a State introduces an experimental method of execution that superadds psychological terror as a necessary feature of its successful completion, courts should enforce the Eighth Amendment’s mandate against cruel and unusual punishment.” Mr. Boyd’s execution was later widely described as “botched.”
Justice Sotomayor’s concerns that nitrogen gas is torturously “experimental” have echoed around the world. Following Mr. Smith’s execution, four United Nations Special Rapporteurs pointed to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which holds that “no one shall be subjected without his free consent to medical or scientific experimentation.” The Special Rapporteurs argued that “Alabama’s use of Kenneth Smith as a human guinea pig to test a new method of execution amounted to unethical human experimentation and was nothing short of State-sanctioned torture.” The “use, for the first time in humans and on an experimental basis, of a method of execution that has been shown to cause suffering in animals is simply outrageous,” they wrote.
This is not the first time concerns have been raised about experimental executions. In the past two decades, state officials have altered lethal injection protocols numerous times, claiming that drug shortages have forced them to turn to other sources and untested combinations of drugs. Lethal injection is less a singular execution method than an umbrella term for dozens of different drug combinations and dosages — some with little or no research to support their use. Like nitrogen gas, some of the drugs used are considered inhumane for animal euthanasia. (1) And execution secrecy laws have allowed states to hide their sources, effectively blocking oversight of the quality, purity, or efficacy of the drugs. One researcher described lethal injection in 2008 as “a nationwide, government-sponsored clinical trial gone horribly awry.”
What would it look like for nitrogen gas, lethal injection, and other methods of execution to be regulated the same way as drugs and medical treatments? In a comprehensive 2015 article, Professor Seema K. Shah argued:
“Prisoners are considered a vulnerable population, and experimental executions involving prisoners should abide by the general principles that are applicable to research: respect for autonomy, non-maleficence, and justice. Second, legal safeguards that follow from these principles should be applied to executions — in particular, states should ask for informed consent from prisoners to modifications of lethal injection protocols, obtain independent review by a regulatory body like the Food and Drug Administration, and apply a standard requiring risk minimization in the choice of drugs and procedures. Finally, states should systematically gather data as they engage in experimental execution.”
Professor Shah reviewed the dark history of experiments on prisoners, who have been subjected to dangerous research projects for centuries; at one point in the 1970s, they comprised 85% of the subjects of phase I clinical trials. For instance, in 1906, several death-sentenced prisoners in the Philippines died after an American doctor injected them with plague serum and withheld food.
In 1973, congressional leaders heard concerns about “exploitation, secrecy, danger, and the impossibility of obtaining informed consent” during prisoner experiments, and a national commission to protect human research subjects was subsequently established. That commission has strongly advised against experimenting on prisoners in most cases because “the conditions of social and economic deprivation in which they live compromise their freedom.” In other words, the inherently coercive nature of a prison prevents its inhabitants from exercising a meaningful choice to undergo potentially harmful treatments — or to “choose” how they will be executed among available methods. The coercion is exacerbated because of the imminent threat of death and secrecy laws that deny prisoners meaningful information about what their decision entails.
Professor Shah acknowledged the possibility that such regulations, if imposed, might prohibit certain methods of execution entirely — but argued that fidelity to ethical and human rights principles must take precedence over maintaining the viability of specific methods of punishment. It may be that a new regulatory system could do more to protect against the use of untested methods of execution than the legal system can. Justice Sotomayor’s dissent in Boyd was full of warning: “Allowing the nitrogen hypoxia experiment to continue despite mounting and unbroken evidence that it violates the Constitution by inflicting unnecessary suffering fails to protect the dignity of the Nation we have been, the Nation we are, and the Nation we aspire to be.”
Yet these regulations have not been followed when states seek to use novel and untested execution methods — subjecting prisoners to potentially torturous and unconstitutionally painful deaths. Some experts and advocates argue that states must be bound by the ethical and human rights principles of biomedical research before using these methods on prisoners.
Nitrogen Gas
Nitrogen gas execution was first proposed by an Oklahoma state legislator, based on a documentary by a British TV personality — neither of whom had any medical training or experience. Veterinarians advise against using nitrogen gas to euthanize animals based on evidence that the animals suffer during the process. But when Alabama scheduled the first nitrogen gas execution in history for January 25, 2024, virtually no regulatory barriers stood in its way. The state released a heavily redacted execution protocol that left many details of the method hazy. Lawsuits challenging the method by the condemned prisoner, Kenneth Smith, and other death-sentenced Alabama prisoners have been mostly unsuccessful. Courts have largely accepted the state’s claims that the method would be “humane” and “painless,” causing unconsciousness in “seconds.”
By contrast, Mr. Smith and the seven men that have since been executed using nitrogen gas displayed a disturbing pattern of reactions, summarized vividly by Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor: “apparent consciousness for minutes, not seconds; and violent convulsing, eyes bulging, consistent thrashing against the restraints, and clear gasping for the air that will not come.” She wrote in dissent in Mr. Smith’s case that Alabama “selected him as its ‘guinea pig’ to test a method of execution never attempted before,” and the Supreme Court had allowed the state to “experiment…with a human life.” In a dissent from the Court’s decision to deny review of Anthony Boyd’s appeal, Justice Sotomayor argued that “when a State introduces an experimental method of execution that superadds psychological terror as a necessary feature of its successful completion, courts should enforce the Eighth Amendment’s mandate against cruel and unusual punishment.” Mr. Boyd’s execution was later widely described as “botched.”
Justice Sotomayor’s concerns that nitrogen gas is torturously “experimental” have echoed around the world. Following Mr. Smith’s execution, four United Nations Special Rapporteurs pointed to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which holds that “no one shall be subjected without his free consent to medical or scientific experimentation.” The Special Rapporteurs argued that “Alabama’s use of Kenneth Smith as a human guinea pig to test a new method of execution amounted to unethical human experimentation and was nothing short of State-sanctioned torture.” The “use, for the first time in humans and on an experimental basis, of a method of execution that has been shown to cause suffering in animals is simply outrageous,” they wrote.
Lethal Injection
This is not the first time concerns have been raised about experimental executions. In the past two decades, state officials have altered lethal injection protocols numerous times, claiming that drug shortages have forced them to turn to other sources and untested combinations of drugs. Lethal injection is less a singular execution method than an umbrella term for dozens of different drug combinations and dosages — some with little or no research to support their use. Like nitrogen gas, some of the drugs used are considered inhumane for animal euthanasia. (1) And execution secrecy laws have allowed states to hide their sources, effectively blocking oversight of the quality, purity, or efficacy of the drugs. One researcher described lethal injection in 2008 as “a nationwide, government-sponsored clinical trial gone horribly awry.”
Regulation of Methods of Execution?
What would it look like for nitrogen gas, lethal injection, and other methods of execution to be regulated the same way as drugs and medical treatments? In a comprehensive 2015 article, Professor Seema K. Shah argued:
“Prisoners are considered a vulnerable population, and experimental executions involving prisoners should abide by the general principles that are applicable to research: respect for autonomy, non-maleficence, and justice. Second, legal safeguards that follow from these principles should be applied to executions — in particular, states should ask for informed consent from prisoners to modifications of lethal injection protocols, obtain independent review by a regulatory body like the Food and Drug Administration, and apply a standard requiring risk minimization in the choice of drugs and procedures. Finally, states should systematically gather data as they engage in experimental execution.”
Professor Shah reviewed the dark history of experiments on prisoners, who have been subjected to dangerous research projects for centuries; at one point in the 1970s, they comprised 85% of the subjects of phase I clinical trials. For instance, in 1906, several death-sentenced prisoners in the Philippines died after an American doctor injected them with plague serum and withheld food.
In 1973, congressional leaders heard concerns about “exploitation, secrecy, danger, and the impossibility of obtaining informed consent” during prisoner experiments, and a national commission to protect human research subjects was subsequently established. That commission has strongly advised against experimenting on prisoners in most cases because “the conditions of social and economic deprivation in which they live compromise their freedom.” In other words, the inherently coercive nature of a prison prevents its inhabitants from exercising a meaningful choice to undergo potentially harmful treatments — or to “choose” how they will be executed among available methods. The coercion is exacerbated because of the imminent threat of death and secrecy laws that deny prisoners meaningful information about what their decision entails.
Executions have not adhered to the standards of validating medical practice, which would require careful extrapolation from existing data and/or rigorous data gathering in humans to find an effective approach that does not exceed the Eighth Amendment’s restrictions on risks of pain and suffering. States have also failed to take account of the principles and legal requirements governing biomedical research, including obtaining independent review, informed consent, and minimizing risks. Adherence to those principles would protect [prisoners] against excessive and unnecessary risks.
Professor Shah acknowledged the possibility that such regulations, if imposed, might prohibit certain methods of execution entirely — but argued that fidelity to ethical and human rights principles must take precedence over maintaining the viability of specific methods of punishment. It may be that a new regulatory system could do more to protect against the use of untested methods of execution than the legal system can. Justice Sotomayor’s dissent in Boyd was full of warning: “Allowing the nitrogen hypoxia experiment to continue despite mounting and unbroken evidence that it violates the Constitution by inflicting unnecessary suffering fails to protect the dignity of the Nation we have been, the Nation we are, and the Nation we aspire to be.”
(1) For instance, pancuronium bromide is a paralytic condemned as inhumane by veterinary associations because it masks the animal’s suffering, yet it was used for executions by dozens of states and is still authorized in Montana and South Dakota today. For more information, see DPI’s State-by-State Execution Protocols and Adam Liptak’s article in the sources section.
Source: Death Penalty Information Center, Leah Roemer, December 12, 2025
"One is absolutely sickened, not by the crimes that the wicked have committed,
but by the punishments that the good have inflicted."
but by the punishments that the good have inflicted."
— Oscar Wilde


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