Monday, November 30, 2009

Video from Death Row: Bobby W. Woods, Possibly Retarded Texas Prisoner, Faces Execution

When Texas reopens its execution chamber after a Thanksgiving break, the first man set to die may be mentally retarded. A 2002 Supreme Court ruling bans the execution of mentally retarded prisoners. But after years of being represented by a discredited attorney who ruined any chance for an appeal based on his disabilities, the fate of Bobby Wayne Woods rests with the state Board of Pardons and Paroles which can recommend clemency or a reprieve to Gov. Perry. "It's a long shot at best," Woods' attorney Maurie Levin says of the clemency request, "but I think it's very important to do."

Test scores during his childhood and incarceration show Bobby Woods has an IQ that hovers at or below 70 — the cut-off point for mental retardation. He reads at a second grade level and writes childlike letters — many of which are photocopied and presented as evidence in his clemency request. Levin asked the board to grant a 60-day reprieve so that she can produce a videotape of Woods "to adequately present a full picture of his limitations." She has sued Texas prison officials over their refusal to allow her to record such a video herself. The Texas Observer captured Woods on tape last week during an on-camera interview, and now you can watch the video that Levin wants the clemency board to see.



Woods was sentenced to die in 1998 for kidnapping, raping and murdering 11-year-old Sarah Patterson. He disputes his guilt, saying his cousin is responsible for cutting Patterson's throat. But the cousin committed suicide the week following Woods' arrest. Levin acknowledges "the facts of this crime are very difficult," but she notes the ban on executing the mentally retarded applies no matter how heinous the offense. Levin and students with the Capital Punishment Center at the University of Texas Law School began working on Woods' case just before he was scheduled to be executed in October 2008. Their efforts followed years of cringe-worthy legal representation by Richard Alley, one of just two attorneys the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals has removed from its list of lawyers qualified to represent death row prisoners in their appeals. He visited Woods only once during the nearly 10 years he represented him.

"For the state of Texas to appoint a lawyer who they then removed from the list — who was being taken to task in a federal court at the very same time he's being appointed to represent Bobby in his federal proceedings, and then for Bobby — a mentally retarded man — to suffer the consequences of that appointment is atrocious. It infuriates me," Levin says.

Alley had a habit of recycling direct appeal claims in his state capital habeas cases. While he raised 28 issues in Woods' state habeas appeals, just two were actually new and neither was backed by useful evidence. In contrast, Levin and her students were able to contact family members who described how Woods was a slow child who suffered from learning disabilities and was called "retard" by his classmates, and "always needed to live with someone who could take care of him" when he was older. Their investigations revealed that while Woods had held a steady job as a short-order cook at Waffle House, he had to have the orders read aloud to him.

Alley did file an appeal claiming Woods was mentally retarded, but it was poorly put together and the court rejected it. Levin won a rare second chance to present new evidence in October 2008, but she was unable to reach a higher bar set by the court because it was his second time making the appeal. This second appeal had to overcome the previous legal record established on almost no investigation of Woods' mental capacity.

Levin could not claim that Woods suffered from ineffective assistance of counsel either. While a Texas statute guarantees Woods an attorney to file his habeas appeals, it doesn't require him to be competent. So Woods remains scheduled to be executed on Dec. 3 pending a decision by the Board to recommend that Perry have mercy and grant him clemency or a reprieve. Below are additional videos that may be used in evidence. Woods has reached the end of the legal process. His only opportunity now resides with Perry and the parole board.





Source: The Texas Observer, Nov. 24, 2009

Death penalty in 9/11 trials may be difficult

Legal experts say Obama was overly confident when he said that critics of the New York trial would be silenced 'when the death penalty is applied to' suspect Khalid Shaikh Mohammed.

After Zacarias Moussaoui -- the accused "20th hijacker" in the Sept. 11 attacks -- was sentenced to life in prison in 2006 because one juror in Virginia refused to agree to the death penalty, Moussaoui clapped his hands and called out, "America, you lost and I won." Now the Obama administration plans to seek a death sentence for Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, the self-proclaimed Sept. 11 mastermind.

Some legal experts say President Obama was overly confident when he predicted that critics of trying Mohammed in a federal courtroom in Manhattan would be silenced "when the death penalty is applied to him." The only modern-day terrorist sentenced to death in federal court was Oklahoma City bomber Timothy J. McVeigh.

"It will be an uphill battle to get a death penalty in these cases," said Paul Butler, a former federal prosecutor in New York. He helped win convictions for four acolytes of Osama bin Laden who plotted the 1998 simultaneous bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, which killed 224 people. Jurors in 2001 found the men guilty, but they were divided on the punishment. As a result, all four were sentenced to life in prison.

Some jurors said afterward that they opposed a death sentence because the defendants had said they wished to die as martyrs.

"Obviously, the 9/11 crimes are as serious as you can get," Butler said. "But it is difficult to get 12 people in Manhattan to agree on a death penalty."

Atty. Gen. Eric H. Holder Jr.'s decision this month to try Mohammed and other alleged Sept. 11 plotters in federal court rather than under the military commission system set up at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, set off a fierce legal and political fight that shows no sign of subsiding.

Critics say a Manhattan trial poses a grave security threat to New York. They also worry that the defendants will be acquitted or escape the death penalty, or that the suspects will use the trial to spew terrorist propaganda.

But defenders of the decision say the nation's courts have shown themselves fully capable of trying and convicting the worst of criminals. And, they say, trying the suspects as ordinary murderers is more fitting than treating them as warriors.

"The best thing Obama is doing here is saying these people are not terrorists with superhuman qualities. They need to be brought to justice and tried as criminals," said Karen J. Greenberg, a law professor at New York University. "We should have brought them to trial a long time ago."

She and others noted that a long list of terrorists have been tried and convicted in federal courts in Manhattan, including World Trade Center bomber Ramzi Yousef.

Despite the disagreements, it's not certain that the different legal systems would produce different outcomes.

Lawyers on both sides have said that they fully expect Mohammed and his alleged co-conspirators to be found guilty. And though 12 military officers at Guantanamo might be more likely to impose the ultimate sanction than 12 civilians in New York, the limited experience with such commissions does not make that a foregone conclusion.

So far, the military commissions have surprised civil libertarians and the Pentagon by dismissing charges against some terrorism suspects and giving relatively lenient sentences to others.

The Pentagon's lawyers had sought a 30-year prison term for Salim Hamdan, Bin Laden's former driver, but last year a military judge sentenced him to serve just six more months in prison. Hamdan subsequently was released and sent home to Yemen.

It also is hard to assess the commissions' fairness or effectiveness.

Earlier this year, Congress adopted revised rules for the military trials that largely parallel those of the federal courts. The obvious difference is that the judge, the prosecutor, the defense lawyer and the jurors are military officers.

The rules of evidence differ in a few areas as well. For example, the military judge may permit hearsay -- out-of-court statements -- if the judge considers the testimony reliable. This would allow prosecutors to use statements from witnesses who are overseas.

By contrast, the Supreme Court has barred the use of nearly all such statements in civilian courts if the witness cannot or will not appear at the trial to be cross-examined.

Critics of trying the alleged Sept. 11 plotters at Guantanamo have said that uncertainty over the commission rules could have led to delays or lengthy appeals.

"These prosecutions could have been delayed for years while the courts resolved questions about hearsay or secret evidence," said Jameel Jaffer of the American Civil Liberties Union.

"A federal court trial should go more smoothly," he said, because the rules are well established.

Meanwhile, critics of Holder's decision have focused on the difficulties of trying international terrorism suspects in a civilian court in the heart of Manhattan.

"I suspect KSM is absolutely delighted by this decision," said Brad Berenson, a former White House lawyer in the George W. Bush administration, referring to Mohammed by his initials. "This means a return to the scene of his greatest triumph. And it gives him a megaphone 100 times greater than he would otherwise have."

Earlier this year, Mohammed said at a Guantanamo hearing that he wished to plead guilty. But Duke University law professor Scott Silliman said the government should not count on him and his four alleged co-conspirators to plead guilty now.

"I think it's likely KSM will want to use the trial as a forum for himself and to put the government on trial. I will be very surprised if he pleads guilty," said Silliman, a former military lawyer. "We should expect a long, convoluted trial full of difficulties for the government."

Before trial, the five defendants' attorneys are likely to ask for a change of venue and to ask for the charges to be dismissed because the long-held defendants were denied a "speedy trial."

"There also will be a mountain of discovery motions," said Charles "Cully" Stimson, a former Pentagon lawyer in the George W. Bush administration. Defense lawyers will demand to see files and cables that contain evidence involving the alleged 9/11 plotters.

Supporters of Holder's decision say convictions in an open federal court will be a triumph for American justice.

"This trial is going to be fair," said Stephen Saltzburg, a law professor at George Washington University. "It will show that we Americans play by a set of rules. And that the truth comes out in court for all to see."

Source: The Los Angeles Times, Nov. 30, 2009

Death Sentence for Zeynab Jalalian Confirmed by Iranian Supreme Court

Reports coming from Iran indicate that the death sentence of Zeynab Jalalian, a female Kurdish political prisoner, has been confirmed by the Iranian Supreme Court.

Zeynab was arrested in May 2008 in Kermanshah and held by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard's Intelligence Office ever since. On January 2009 Zeynab was found guilty by the Kermanshah Revolutionary Court of being a member of a Kurdish opposition party, in a trial that lasted only a few minutes. She was declared an "enemy of God" and sentenced to death, despite the fact that her legal file doesn't include allegations of participating in an armed struggle against the Islamic Republic.


Source: KurdishRights.org, Nov. 29, 2009

Fury at Uganda proposal for gay executions


Britain and Canada today led Commonwealth protests against a law proposed by the Ugandan parliament which would introduce the death penalty by hanging for "aggravated homosexuality".

Gordon Brown expressed Britain's concerns about the parliamentary bill when he met Yoweri Museveni, the veteran Ugandan president, at the Commonwealth heads of government meeting in Trinidad and Tobago.

The suggested legislation would apply to sex between gay men or lesbian women in which one person has HIV.

The bill also proposes the introduction of a three-year prison sentence for anyone who knows of the existence of a gay man or lesbian woman and fails to inform authorities in Uganda within 24 hours.

The British prime minister's anger was echoed by his Canadian counterpart, Stephen Harper. Harper's spokesman, Dimitri Soudas, said: "If adopted, a bill further criminalising homosexuality would constitute a significant step backwards for the protection of human rights in Uganda."

Stephen Lewis, a former UN envoy on Aids in Africa, described the proposed legislation as having "the taste of fascism."

In a speech in Trinidad, reported in the Globe and Mail, Lewis said: "The credibility of the Commonwealth is hanging by a spider's thread. The putative legislation declares war on homosexuality. What is put at risk here beyond the threat of the death penalty for HIV-positive homosexuals is the entire apparatus of Aids treatment, prevention and care."

Museveni has not endorsed the private member's bill, which was introduced by a backbencher in the Ugandan parliament. But Uganda's ethics and integrity minister, James Nsaba Buturo, welcomed the proposal, saying that he regards the bill "with joy" because it will "provide leadership around the world".

Source: The Guardian, Nov. 29, 2009

Sunday, November 29, 2009

Tennessee: DR inmate Cecil Johnson Jr. says 29-year delay is cruel and unusual

The man scheduled to be executed in Nashville on Wednesday morning has asked for a stay of execution, saying to kill him by lethal injection after 29 years on death row is cruel and unusual punishment.

Cecil Johnson Jr. was convicted in 1981 for a triple killing at Bob Bell's Market the previous year and was given 3 death sentences by a jury. It wasn't until 2008 that his legal options were exhausted and an execution
date was set.

His attorney, Jim Thomas, argued in the complaint filed in federal court Wednesday that the execution should be stayed in part because "the state's manipulations and conduct" have delayed the case.

Johnson, now 53, was 23 when he was given the death sentence. Gov. Phil Bredesen denied Johnson's plea for clemency this week.

Thomas said that all the delays were caused by courts that failed to rule on Johnson's case for up to three years at a time after hearing some of the arguments, and by the state's attorneys.

"Mr. Johnson has spent this time in mortal suspense, constantly waiting for that uncertain day on which he will be strapped to a chair or a gurney and killed a day that could arrive next week, next month, next year, but also maybe never," court filings said. "Being forced to persist in a state of constant apprehension of imminent death for nearly three decades amounts to torture."

One witness switched sides

18 years of the delay, according to Thomas, can be attributed to the fact the state concealed police reports that could have cast doubt on the identification of Johnson as the killer.

Victims and eyewitnesses testified in 1981 that it was Johnson who walked into Bob Bell's Market on July 5, 1980, and forced a 12-year-old boy to empty the cash register. Bobby Bell Jr. was working with his father that evening. Johnson then shot the boy in the head, wounded his father and a friend in the store, and gunned down James Moore and Charles House outside while they sat in a taxicab.

The state withheld initial reports in which 1 of 3 witnesses who identified Johnson said he hadn't gotten a good look at the gunman and failed to identify him in the first 2 lineups he was shown. He later identified Johnson after seeing him on television, arrested in the case.

A witness intending to testify on Johnson's behalf also became a state witness a week before the trial after he was interrogated and offered immunity by a prosecutor who was later indicted on bribery charges.

A panel of the U.S. Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals denied Johnson's appeal in a 2-1 decision.

Source: The Tennessean, Nov. 28, 2009

Texas sends fewer to death row - Life without parole option cited among reasons for drop

While the debate over capital punishment rages anew in Texas, new inmates going to death row have hit a 35-year low as prosecutors push for fewer death sentences and, many believe, juries have become less willing to give them.

Various factors have contributed to a stark decline in death sentences.

The biggest game-changer appears to be the introduction of life without parole as an option for juries in 2005, according to several prosecutors and defense lawyers. The change in state law represented a huge shift for jurors, who previously were responsible for choosing either the death penalty or a life sentence in which a convicted killer could be eligible for parole in 40 years.

"With life without parole being a viable option now, (juries) feel a lot more comfortable that that person is not going to be let out back into society," Tarrant County District Attorney Joe Shannon said.

But because of the state's growing list of exonerations via DNA evidence and other questionable convictions, some argue that juries are simply less willing to send someone to death row. Democratic state Sen. Eddie Lucio Jr., the author of the life-without-parole law, said prosecutors are trying to blame it for their troubles getting Texans to trust a scandal-ridden system.

"It isn't life without parole that has weakened the death penalty," Lucio said. "It is a growing lack of belief that our system is fair."

In the 4 years since the introduction of life without parole, Texas death sentences have dropped 40 % compared with the 4 years prior, state records show. The number of slayings each year in Texas stayed largely unchanged during that period, according to the Texas Department of Public Safety.

Texas juries sentenced 13 people to death in 2008. 9 others have received death sentences this year.

15 years earlier, juries sent 49 people to death row.

Before 1991, someone receiving a life sentence for capital murder in Texas could be eligible for parole in 15 years. State lawmakers increased the minimum to 35 years in 1991 and 40 years in 1993.

Activists spent years lobbying state lawmakers to give juries the option of life without parole. The law-enforcement community pushed back, arguing that it would weaken the use of the death penalty as a punishment.

In 2005, Lucio was able to get his bill passed after a crucial rewrite. Instead of trying to allow life without parole as an additional option for juries in capital cases, the bill made the punishment a replacement for life with parole, although district attorneys could still offer defendants life with parole as part of a plea agreement.

With this new, harsher punishment, prosecutors now feel comfortable waiving the death penalty in more cases, and defense lawyers are often more willing to plea-bargain, according to lawyers from each side of the
courtroom.

A competing theory for why death sentences have declined is that jurors have become more worried about sending an innocent person to death row.

Reports of exonerations have popped up regularly in the past 3 years. Dallas County District Attorney Craig Watkins' office has helped obtain exonerations for 20 wrongfully convicted defendants in Dallas County.

A poll from Rasmussen Reports released this month found that 73 % of Americans are at least somewhat concerned that some people may be executed for crimes they did not commit.

Scott Phillips, an associate professor of sociology and criminology at the University of Denver who has studied the use of the death penalty, said death sentences have declined nationwide, suggesting that the option of life without parole is just part of the reason in Texas.

"People are obviously concerned about innocence," Phillips said. "People are concerned about cost. ... People are concerned about racial disparity."

Alan Levy, the lead criminal prosecutor in the Tarrant County district attorney's office, said he believes that reports of questionable cases have affected juries.

"It plays a big role," Levy said. "People are very skeptical."

Levy was one of three members of the Texas Forensic Science Commission whom Republican Gov. Rick Perry replaced in September, forcing the postponement of a widely anticipated hearing on whether outdated science was used in the murder trial of Cameron Todd Willingham, who was executed in 2004.

The case has become a rallying point for death penalty opponents nationwide.

Levy said Innocence Project groups have done a great job of highlighting cases of wrongfully convicted Texans and driving the public debate.

He said he credits them with "convincing the public that the system is much less reliable than it is."

Also, in the recession, the higher costs of pursuing the death penalty have become harder to ignore, and life without parole is a far cheaper alternative.

Death penalty trials are longer, with a punishment phase that takes more time and appeals that typically go on for years.

Pursuing life without parole from the onset can avoid millions in legal costs and settle cases quickly.

"You save a lot of money, a lot of time and you have a guarantee that this person will be incarcerated for the rest of their life," said Bill Harris, a Fort Worth defense lawyer who is president-elect of the Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers Association.

Source: McClatchy/Tribune News, Nov. 29, 2009

Saturday, November 28, 2009

Ohio: Federal Court Lifts Kenneth Biros' Stay of Execution

A federal court has lifted the stay of execution in the case of Kenneth Biros, who is now due to be put to death in Ohio on 8 December under the state’s new lethal injection procedures. The Ohio parole board has voted against clemency, but this vote is not binding on the governor.

On 25 November, a three-judge panel of the US Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit lifted the stay of execution that had been imposed on 19 October by a District Court judge in the context of ongoing litigation on Ohio’s lethal injection protocol.

On 13 November, the Ohio authorities announced that they had decided to change the execution procedure, from a three-drug process to one using a large dose of one chemical, thiopental sodium, an anesthetic. The state also revealed that it had developed a “back-up procedure” for cases when a suitable vein could not be found in a condemned inmate, as happened in the case of Romell Broom in September (see UA 245/09, and update). This back-up procedure would involve injecting a combination of two chemicals, midazolam and hydromorphone, into a large muscle of the prisoner, such as the thigh.

The state argued to the Sixth Circuit that Kenneth Biros’ stay of execution should be lifted as the new lethal injection protocol rendered the District Court order moot. The Sixth Circuit agreed. It stated that “In granting a stay of execution, the district court based its reasoning on concerns related to the old procedure. Because the old procedure will not be utilized on Biros, no basis exists for continuing the stay previously in effect.” The Court of Appeals added that “whether a stay is warranted under the new protocol is not before us at this time”. If Kenneth Biros were to challenge the new protocol, it added, “the district court and we can consider whether he has met the requirements for granting a stay”.

Another six Ohio inmates are also currently scheduled for execution: Abdullah Sharif Kaazim Mahdi (7 January 2010); Mark Brown (4 February); Lawrence Reynolds (9 March); Darryl Durr (20 April); Michael Beuke (15 May); and Richard Nields (10 June).

Source: Amnesty International, Nov. 27, 2009

Gordon Brown drawn into Commonwealth row over laws to punish homosexuals

Gordon Brown was last night drawn into a row over laws punishing homosexuals with death that threatened to overshadow a meeting of Commonwealth leaders. The Prime Minister raised the issue of proposed new laws in Uganda with the country's president Yoweri Museveni. Mr Brown made it clear to him that he was opposed to the laws when the 2 men met in Trinidad.

The country's plans have caused a backlash from other Commonwealth nations and condemnation from gay rights groups who want Uganda thrown out of the Commonwealth unless they back down.

Uganda's parliament is proposing an Anti-Homosexuality Bill which requires the death penalty for "aggravated homosexuality" defined as any sexual act between gays or lesbians in which one person has the HIV virus.

Life sentences would be imposed on those who touch another with the intention to have homosexual relations.

The bill would even apply to Ugandans who commit homosexual offences, but who live overseas.

A series of other offences in the new legislation, which is being piloted by a government MP and being given parliamentary time by President Museveni, include belonging to homosexual organizations, championing homosexual rights, and promoting homosexuality. All such transgressions would be punished with 7 years in prison.

Those who do not report wrongdoing the witness could face 3 years in custody.

A Downing Street source said: "The Prime Minister did raise it and you can take it that he was not supportive of the idea."

Stephen Harper, the Prime Minister of Canada, backed Mr Brown's stance.

His spokesman said: "If adopted, a bill further criminalising homosexuality would constitute a significant step backwards for the protection of human rights."

The row pits the western Commonwealth countries against some of the African nations who have often held different views on homosexuality. They often attack the west for trying to lecture them on issues of morality.

Peter Tatchell, the prominent gay rights campaigner, accused Commonwealth leaders of failing to condemn "homophobic discrimination and violence."

He said: "Some of the key principles of the Commonwealth are equality, non-discrimination, opportunity for all, liberty of the individual and human dignity,' he said.

"Of the 53 Commonwealth member states, over 40 still criminalise same-sex relations, mostly under anti-gay laws that were originally imposed by the British government in the nineteenth century, during the period of colonial rule.

"They criminalise otherwise law-abiding citizens and contribute to a hostile social atmosphere which demonises lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people as unnatural, abnormal and criminal."

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have condemned the bill. The United States and France have also attacked the proposed law, with France expressing "deep concern."

Source: The Telegraph, Nov. 27, 2009

International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission:

A broad coalition of civil society groups in Uganda have united against the legislation, warning that it will severely undermine human rights and the work of human rights defenders in the country. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) Ugandans are already persecuted under Penal Code Article 145a, which prohibits "carnal knowledge of any person against the order of nature." The proposed bill specifically criminalizes homosexuality, and punishes anything from sexual stimulation to "touch[ing] another person with the intention of committing the act of homosexuality" with life imprisonment. Worse, "aggravated homosexuality" – including activity by "serial offenders" or those who are HIV positive – would merit the death penalty. More here.

China executes two men for child abduction

Two men have been executed for abducting and selling children in China in a sign of the determination of officials to try to eradicate a practice that has aroused widespread public anger.

Hu Minghua, 55, and Su Binde, 27, were executed on Thursday morning, the Supreme People's Court said.

The crime carries the death penalty in China, but kidnappers are rarely sentenced to capital punishment even though child trafficking has become more frequent in recent years. China has accelerated the implementation of criminal sentences that had been on hold until after celebrations for the 60th anniversary of Communist Party rule on October 1.

Mr Hu had been convicted of kidnapping and selling nine children from April 1999 to Oct. 2005. He was detained in January 2006. Five of the children, all boys now aged from 3 to 6, have been returned to their families, while the parents of the remaining ones have not been found.

Mr Su had abducted six children between September 2005 to July 2006. Five have been rescued by police while a 6th remains missing.

Child trafficking is a thriving business in China, where traditional preference for male heirs and a restrictive 1-child policy have driven a successful market in baby boys, who fetch a considerably higher price than girls. Girls and women are also abducted and often used as labourers or as brides for unwed sons.

Li Yongshun said that the death penalty should be imposed consistently on traffickers. His grandson, Li Hupeng, was snatched from outside their small farmhouse in 2002 when he was 3. It took Mr Li thousands of pounds of his savings, a letter of appeal to Beijing and 3 years to recover the boy.

Mr Li told The Times: "People who do this should all be executed. They have brought so much distress as well as expense to the families. The men who kidnapped Hupeng were sentenced to 20 years and to life and the police said this was fair because the boy wasnt hurt. But I think the law should be enforced and they should face death."

Estimates of the numbers of victims are difficult to come by. The Chinese Supreme Court said that 1,714 people were punished for abducting and trafficking children in the first 10 months of this year as the Government imposed a crackdown on the crime.

Since April, Chinese police have rescued 2,008 abducted children. They have established the 1st website carrying photographs of 60 children whose parents cannot be found in hopes of reuniting the families. Already a couple of the children on the "Babies Looking for a Home" website have been identified and returned to their parents.

Police say that as many as 30,000 to 60,000 children go missing each year, but it is not known how many of those have been kidnapped. Since parents in southern China grouped together this year to demand that police pay attention and help them in their search for their missing children, officials have begun to tackle the child trafficking.

With the death penalty rarely implemented and the rewards so high for traffickers, the business has proved both attractive and lucrative.

However, one high-profile scandal did result in executions. In 2004, police found 28 drugged and bound baby girls none over 3 months old packed into bags on the luggage rack of a bus heading to cities in the north. 3 people were put to death.

Boys command high prices in the market over 30,000 yuan (3,000). Girls are less sought after and thus slightly less costly. Many families are happy to have either a boy or a girl as long as they can have another child. Indeed, some want a girl who they see as a potential bride for their son in a country where the ratio of boys to girls being born is around 119 to 100.

Source: The Times, Nov. 27, 2009

Friday, November 27, 2009

International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission: End executions for Sodomy Charges in Iran

From the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission:

Join the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC), Iranian Queers Organization (IRQO) and COC Netherlands in calling on Iranian authorities to stop the numerous executions of minors and adults accused of sodomy. Also join us in calling on Western countries with significant diplomatic and economic ties to Iran, including Germany, France, Canada, as well as the European Union, to pursue diplomatic efforts to cease these executions.

Use our electronic system below* to send a letter in English to the foreign officials and another letter in Persian to Iranian officials.

The Issue

The Courts in Iran have sentenced a number of men to death after they were accused and convicted of sodomy. Under Iranian law, sodomy includes sexual intercourse between members of the same sex, and is illegal. The punishment for same-sex intercourse between 2 men (Lavaat) is death and between 2 women (Mosaheghe) is 100 lashes for the first 3 offenses and the death penalty for the 4th.

Most, if not all of these arbitrary executions orders follow rushed trials with little adherence to procedure. Judges overseeing sodomy cases often ignore the strict guidelines of the Iranian Penal Code, and instead use questionable investigative methods and inadmissible evidence to decide the case. Frequently, the convictions are based on forced confessions, made under extreme psychological pressure and torture. Additionally, at least 3 lawyers who have defended people accused of sodomy have expressed fear of harassment and intimidation by the government and vigilantes. The courts do not allow independent observers to examine cases. Such practices violate the defendants' human rights to a fair trial, free from torture.

In most cases, the Court convicts the defendants of sodomy charges solely on the basis of "the knowledge of the judge". According to the Iranian law, when there is not enough evidence to convict a defendant of a sexual crime, the judge may use his knowledge, in a deductive process based on the evidence that already exists, to determine whether the crime took place or not. Unfortunately, the excessive use of this principle means that rather than paying attention to evidence, the judge often sentences defendants to death based on his speculations. A number of prominent legal and religious scholars believe that such a broad application of the "the knowledge of the judge" to issue death penalty for sexual crimes is in violation of the letter and the spirit of Sharia law.

Regardless of the procedural errors of the trials, Iran's practice of punishing sexual crimes such as sodomy with the death penalty is cruel, disproportionate to the nature of the crime, and inherently arbitrary under international law. The United Nations Human Rights Committee has stated that under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Iran is a party, applying the death penalty for 'homosexual acts' violates Article 6, and that criminalization of private sexual relations between consenting adults is contrary to Article 17 and 26. Additionally, the Special Rapporteur on Extra-Judicial, Summary, and Arbitrary Executions has expressed concern numerous times about the use of the death penalty for consensual sodomy and has stated that criminalizing sodomy "increases the social stigmatization of members of sexual minorities, which in turn makes them more vulnerable to violence and human rights abuses, including violations of the right to life."

Alarmingly, some of the defendants sentenced to death were tried for sexual acts they were accused of committing as minors. Article 111 of Iran's Islamic Penal Code states that, "Sodomy is only punishable by death if both parties are adults and of sound mind" and Article 6(5) of the ICCPR states that "[A] sentence of death shall not be imposed for crimes committed by persons below eighteen years of age." Thus, neither Iranian law nor international law permits the execution of these young men.

*For petitions, see here and here.

Source: Miami Herald, November 26, 2009

Afghan citizen executed in a prison in northern Iran

One man was hanged in the prison of Amol in northern Iran.

According to the official Iranian news agency IRNA, Mohammad S. (also known as Fattah) was hanged in the prison of Amol earlier this week. He was convicted of keeping 472 grams of heroin and was hanged earlier this week according to the report.

The report did not mention Mohammad's age and exact date of execution.

Source: Iran Human Rights, November 26, 2009

Thursday, November 26, 2009

“What is justice?” Inside a death penalty trial

Just after 11:00 yesterday morning, on the fifth floor of the Rene C. Davidson courthouse in downtown Oakland, a double murderer named Christopher Evans walked in through the side door of the courtroom of Alameda County Superior Court judge Vernon Nakahara. He sat down at the defense table. A short man with a low hairline and hangdog expression, Evans was dressed in the same cream-colored pullover shirt he had worn nearly every day of the trial. He had already been convicted. He already knew he would die behind bars. He was about to find out how.

The courtroom was silent. Evans, Nakahara, the two defense attorneys, the prosecuting deputy district attorney, and the spectators, many of them relatives of Evans’ victims, waited for the jury members to enter with their verdict. They came in one by one, shuffling their feet. They crossed the room single file. They took their seats in the box.

“Ladies and gentlemen, please remain seated and come to order,” said a uniformed bailiff. “Department Eight is now in session.”

This is how it works, in an American courthouse, in a state that still uses the death penalty—how the closing day commences in what one veteran spectator called a “garden variety death penalty case.” The court comes to order. Justice – or at least punishment – is meted out.

After four days of deliberation, the seven-woman, five-man jury was to announce its decision on whether Evans would die while serving a life-without-parole sentence, or via California’s only remaining method of capital punishment: lethal injection.

The same jury had already reached a verdict some four months earlier, in the trial’s guilt phase – one count of first-degree murder and one count of second-degree murder, with a special circumstance of multiple murder.

But reaching a unanimous verdict in this, the penalty phase of the trial, presented a different challenge. It depended less on the facts of an incident that took place over eight years ago, and more on jurors’ own interpretations of the defendant’s sociological, criminal, and family histories, as framed by prosecuting Deputy District Attorney Michael Nieto and Evans’ defense attorneys William DuBois and Alexander Selvin.

Nieto, trying for the death penalty, had portrayed Evans as a remorseless, aggressive, cold-blooded thug with a history of violence both in and out of prison. DuBois and Selvin, trying for a sentence of life without parole, had depicted Evans as a caring father loved by his family, as a man with no previous history of serious violence despite harsh personal circumstances in an unforgiving environment, and as a well-behaved inmate who would cause little disturbance or disorder spending the rest of his life behind bars.

These competing narratives had been weighed and judged by the twelve people whose job was to decide Evans’ fate. His killings of Rose and Brown were two of Oakland’s 87 homicides in 2001. This, according to testimony in the previous phases of Evans’ trial, is how those killing took place:

On April 27, 2001, Evans, then 27, was hanging out near the intersection of 85th Avenue and International Boulevard. The East Oakland junction – at one point referred to by a defense attorney as Evans’ “essence”– is a few doors away from the house where Evans spent much of his childhood. He had sold drugs in the area for some years.

Also at that intersection was a beauty salon called Teez Hair Design, owned and operated by a 28-year-old woman named Tina Rose. Like Evans, Rose was an Oakland native, and the two were acquainted. Inside her shop that April 27, Rose advised another woman to think about leaving her boyfriend. The woman called her boyfriend, to say she might break up with him. The boyfriend threatened to come to the salon and deal with the matter right there. So Rose called two of her brothers and asked them to keep watch at the store, in case the other woman’s offended beau showed up looking for trouble.

Now, according to the accounts given at his murder trial this summer, Christopher Evans entered the situation. He saw the unfamiliar men outside Teez Hair Design. He approached one of Rose’s brothers and “pocket-checked” him, as the attorneys said in court, searching the brother as a police officer might. An argument ensued between Evans and the brother. Tina Rose came out of her salon to defuse things. Rose’s brother went away. But an hour later he came back, with several comrades, and knocked Evans out with a punch to the face. As the group drove off, someone lifted Evans from the ground. Unable to stand on his own for several moments, he staggered along the sidewalk as a friend held him upright. He finally slumped against a white car parked nearby. Another friend had retrieved a 9mm handgun and gave it to Evans, who then walked into the hair salon.

The first person to approach him inside the salon was a 41-year-old father named Tommy Lee Brown. Brown tried to talk Evans down. Evans shot him, twice, one bullet ripping through his femoral artery. As Brown lay bleeding to death on the beauty parlor floor, Rose tried to flee, but Evans followed her out of the shop and shot her once in the back of her head. Rose died just outside the front door of her salon.

There was a defense, back in July, but it wasn’t that Evans didn’t do it. DuBois and Selvin worked together during the guilt phase, too, when they argued that Evans had sustained a serious concussion as a result of the punch from Rose’s brother, and therefore was in an altered state of consciousness – “his mind was Jell-O and Swiss cheese,” DuBois said – that hampered any awareness of what he was doing when he shot Rose and Brown. The jury didn’t buy it. They convicted Evans of first-degree murder in the killing of Rose, and second-degree murder in the killing of Brown.

The only thing left was to decide how a person pays for murdering two innocent people, what the price should be. Maybe such an act renders one unfit to live. Or maybe spending the duration of one’s natural life locked up, with no hope of freedom ever, is bad enough. With that in mind, the trial moved onto its second stage, the guilt phase.

“All of the questions have been answered, except one,” Nieto, the prosecutor, said to the jury. “What is justice? What does justice call out for in this case? What is the appropriate punishment for Christopher Evans?”


The jury’s answer to that question would potentially make Evans the 686th inmate on California’s death row – by far the nation’s largest, and much-maligned as an ineffective, money-hemorrhaging part of the state’s dysfunctional capital punishment system. Meanwhile, as Evans’ fate was argued out before him, the stakes were real not just for him, but for many others in the wood-paneled courtroom, as well: jurors charged with unanimously reaching an extremely difficult decision of, literally, life and death; lawyers mentally exhausted from the long case; Evans’ loved ones, including his daughter and mother, who implored the jury to spare his life; and Tina Rose’s survivors, several of whom attended the trial’s penalty phase daily.

Tina Rose’s mother, Mary Rose, appeared as a witness on the third day of the proceedings. She’s a short woman, with graying black hair. The morning Michael Nieto called her to the stand, she was shrouded in a hooded black leather jacket that draped down below her hips. Rose walked slowly past the bar, raised her right hand, and was sworn in by the court clerk. She sat down at the witness stand.

“You are the mother of Tina Rose,” Nieto said. “Correct?”

Mary Rose nodded slowly, her face drawn.

“And how many children do you have?” Nieto asked.

Mary Rose raised a long-fingered hand to her face and began to sob.

Over the next several minutes, Nieto showed a series of photographs: Tina Rose around five years old, standing in the sun with brothers, sisters, and cousins. A portrait of Tina, grown up, looking pretty, and smiling radiantly. Tina’s coffin, surrounded by family members in a cemetery in Selma, Alabama. Flowers and balloons memorializing Tina outside the peach-colored wall of Teez Hair Design. A cake celebrating Tina’s 35th birthday. Mary Rose described the way she still celebrates her daughter’s birthday each year. She described how Tina loved to dance. She said Tina sang in their church choir. She said Tina had used earnings from her job at another hair salon to open, finally, a shop of her own.

Nieto asked Mary Rose to describe the impact of her daughter’s murder on her own life. Rose began to sob again. Her hand trembled in front of her face. “That’s everything,” she said, her voice quiet and raspy.

“I can’t sleep at night,” Rose said. “I have to be on medication that makes me go to sleep at night.” She pointed across the room, where Christopher Evans slouched next to his defense attorneys. “That monster, what he did to my daughter. He did not have to kill my daughter. That monster over there, I never seen him before in my life.” Other Rose relatives sobbed quietly in the court’s public seating area.

Asked outside the courtroom a couple weeks later what she would decide, if she were the entire jury and the verdict were up to her, Mary Rose answered matter-of-factly, “I would say death.”

Farleecia Rose, Tina’s older sister, said she initially shared their mother’s sentiment. “In the beginning, I wished someone in jail would have killed him,” she said outside the courtroom. “I wished he was dead and his family would feel like we felt all those years.” Since then, Farleecia said, she had come to think whichever decision the jury came to would be the right one. But the continuing trial she attended nearly every day still took a toll.

“I pray all day long,” she said. “Some people think I’m talking to myself when I’m walking down the street.” She looked at her mother seated next to her, and at Tabatha Davis, Tina’s best friend since childhood, seated nearby. “I don’t pray for Tina. I pray for the ones that are still here, because there’s nothing we can do.”

But, even after the verdict, there would be no final resolution – everybody in the courtroom seemed to understand this. If the jury did sentence Evans to death, a lengthy series of appeals would follow that sentence, potentially reaching the United States Supreme Court. Evans would likely not be executed until decades later, remaining in the meantime on death row at San Quentin State Prison. Meanwhile, according to a state-commissioned report released last year, the increased security and attention he would require on death row would cost California taxpayers $90,000 per year more than it would to house him in the maximum security unit where he would likely serve a life-without-parole sentence. At that rate, a very plausible delay of twenty years between Evans’ sentencing and execution would cost the state an additional total of $1.8 million.

There was also no clarity as to the exact means of his death, should the jury select that option. Had Evans been scheduled for execution by lethal injection four years ago, he would have known more about precisely what was coming. After spending his final hours in San Quentin’s “death watch” cell and being given a new outfit of jeans and a blue work shirt, Evans would be escorted through an oval door into San Quentin’s small octagonal execution chamber. Inside the chamber, he would have been strapped to a table and connected to a cardiac monitor. Up to 50 witnesses – possibly including media members, relatives of Evans, and relatives of his victims – would have looked on through the windows of a viewing area adjacent to the execution chamber. Just after midnight, San Quentin’s warden would have given the execution order: five grams of sodium pentothal injected into Evans’ bloodstream, inducing unconsciousness; then fifty cubic centimeters of pancuronium bromide, inducing paralysis and causing Evans’ breathing to cease; finally, fifty cubic centimeters of potassium chloride, inducing cardiac arrest and death.

But in 2009 in California, even that set of procedures is in doubt. A moratorium was imposed on lethal injection executions nearly four years ago, following concerns about compliance with the constitutional ban on cruel and unusual punishment. The moratorium only halted what was already a grindingly slow administration of capital punishment –the state has only carried out 13 executions since 1977. The discrepancy between sentencing and penalty led a state Senate-appointed committee charged with assessing the status of capital punishment in California to conclude last year, “The system is broken.” In fact, the situation has deteriorated to the point that a recent Los Angeles Times report suggested that many inmates would rather go to death row than be sentenced to life without parole.


Evans was twice convicted, in 1994 and 1999, for felony possession of crack cocaine for sale. Calling attention to his previous convictions, and especially to instances of violence, was one of the key ways Nieto framed Evans’ killings of Rose and Brown as part of a larger picture. In doing so, Nieto called a witness named Tina Smith, a woman with a worn-looking face who testified that Evans had assaulted her.

Smith said she used to buy crack from Evans in a neighborhood about a mile away from the intersection of 85th and International, where Rose and Brown were killed. Around 3 a.m. one morning in 1994, Smith said, she was standing outside on a corner of B Street in East Oakland, when Evans told her to “get the fuck off the corner.” When she refused, Smith said, Evans beat her.

“He just started punching me because I wouldn’t move off the corner,” she said. Smith said she was also kicked by Evans and bitten by a dog he had with him. Nieto produced a copy of the suspect photo lineup police showed her after the incident. Smith picked Evans out of the lineup, just as she had in 1994. But not every witness was as cooperative as Tina Smith.

While incarcerated, Evans was allegedly involved in a June 2008 beating, helping his cellmate jump another inmate named Deandre Hill, whom Nieto called for testimony. Hill, serving life in prison for a taco truck murder nearly two years ago, entered the courtroom wearing a red jumpsuit and a chain belt shackled to his wrists.

Nieto showed a photograph of Christopher Evans, asking Hill if he recognized the image.

“I refuse to answer,” Hill said, a lawyer seated next to him on the witness stand.

Nieto showed a photo taken after the alleged assault, and asked Hill if it showed an injury he suffered that day.

“I refuse to answer,” Hill said.

Nieto showed another photo, asking Hill if he recognized the man depicted as Marcus Jones, his other alleged assailant.

“I refuse to answer,” Hill said.

Marcus Jones, a bulky man with a heavy brow, took the stand after Hill. Since the incident with Hill, Jones had been released, and he wore a shiny silver watch and a bulbous silver ring on his left pinky finger.

Nieto asked Jones if he saw Evans in court.

Jones looked over at the jury, up at the ceiling, and down towards the floor, his head swiveling elaborately. “No,” he said.

Nieto directed Jones’ attention to the defense table, where Evans sat with his lawyers.

“I do see him,” Jones said.

Jones testified that he and Hill had indeed fought, but that it was “a mutual battle,” and that Evans didn’t kick Hill in the head, as alleged at the time. Evans had actually tried to break up the fight, Jones said. Nieto asked Jones if the fight was about Hill being said to have snitched on another inmate, but Jones said no. Nieto asked what he thought of snitching in general.

“Off the top of my head, I don’t really see it as a bad thing,” Jones said.

Nieto asked how snitching is perceived among inmates.

“In jailhouse terms, I wouldn’t believe it’d be a good thing,” Jones said.

“Snitches get hurt?” Nieto asked.

Jones mumbled.

“Snitches get killed,” Nieto said.

“So do ordinary people,” Jones said.


As William DuBois and Alexander Selvin got their penalty phase defense arguments underway, Christopher Evans’ mother Pamela Woodson took the witness stand. Her voice strong and clear when she wasn’t shedding tears, the spectacled Woodson described for over an hour the tough circumstances in which her son grew up.

In 1973, before Evans was born, she said, she was “eighteen and pregnant with a man who wants nothing to do with the baby.” Her son’s father was never even remotely in the picture, Woodson said; in fact, he only met his son a couple times. Soon after Evans’ birth, Woodson moved herself and her son to 23rd Avenue, in an area known locally as the Murder Dubs. The neighborhood there, she said, felt a “world away” from the 85th Avenue neighborhood where most of her family lived. “I didn’t know what I was doing,” Woodson said from the stand. “I’d never had a child before.”

Woodson and Evans eventually moved back closer to her family on 85th, but when he was fourteen, a house fire killed Woodson’s sister and uncle, Edward Evans. Woodson said she had long considered her uncle a father figure and did not learn he was not actually her biological father until she applied for welfare at age 18. Her son looked up to the older Evans as a father as well, Woodson said, and the loss was devastating to him. After the fatal fire, Woodson testified, her son “went his own way” and “didn’t care about work, school, anything.”

Making matters worse were Evans’ academic struggles, which had plagued him from an early age; Woodson testified her son didn’t learn the alphabet until fifth or sixth grade. “He just couldn’t comprehend,” she said repeatedly while on the stand. At 16, according to Oakland school district documents presented by the defense, Evans functioned academically at a first grade level. Shortly thereafter, he dropped out of high school and began selling drugs in the East Oakland neighborhood where he grew up. During opening penalty phase statements, Selvin called Evans’ story the “cycle of the young man from Oakland who has no skills.”

Selvin had come from his home in Santa Fe, New Mexico, to spend months helping DuBois defend Evans. Decades ago, Selvin handled major cases – including the 1974 kidnapping of newspaper heiress Patty Hearst – for the same Alameda County District Attorney’s office trying to send Christopher Evans to death row. In the 1980s, after an administration change at the office, Selvin decided it “was time to broaden my horizons, see what it was like to do a little defense.” Moving out of state, he said, was the only way to get some distance from his local history. “In Oakland, every courthouse is a site of a murder I worked on,” he said. “I go into restaurants and run into witnesses.”

While many prosecutors and defense attorneys see the other side as philosophically wrong, Selvin said, he doesn’t look at it that way.

“I did the best I could for the people of the State of California,” he said. “Then, when I became a defense lawyer, I tried to do the best I could for my client. I could move from one side to the other with no problem. One week prosecute a case. One week defend a case. I have no problem with that.”

Selvin currently works exclusively defending in death penalty cases. “Everything in a death penalty case has a lot more importance. It’s more substantial. More rewarding,” he said. Selvin said he also likes the collaborative aspect of death penalty defense, which reminds him of his days as a basketball player on UC Berkeley’s 1960 national runner-up team. “When you’re playing for a good team, it’s very enjoyable,” he said. “It takes a certain skill to manage a good team, to create a good team.”

But despite the rewards, Selvin said, working on some twenty death penalty cases over his career has been grueling. “It’s very draining, even if you’ve done a bunch of them,” he said. “You just put your life on hold for six to nine months sometimes. You have trouble sleeping. You wake up in the middle of the night. I’m always on some level thinking about it, preparing. Then, of course, you develop a relationship with the client.”

Selvin said he’s known Christopher Evans more than five years. “You start to have an ongoing relationship with the family. If he has a wife, then with the wife, or, if he has a kid, then with the kid.”

A week or so after Evans’ mother testified about her son’s tough childhood and adolescence, the defense called Evans’ 13-year-old daughter for a brief testimony. Round-faced and wearing a pink headband and thin chain necklace, she sat down at the witness stand and smiled when identifying Evans as her dad. Questioned by Selvin, she described a father who has “always been there for me” despite being incarcerated most of her life.

“I beg you from the bottom of my heart and soul to please, please, please, please, please, please, please don’t give my dad the death penalty,” she implored the jury.

Selvin asked Evans’ daughter one final question.

She looked across the courtroom at her father, smiled, then bowed her head and began to cry. “I don’t want to lose my father,” she said between sobs. “He’s a very important person in my life.”

She left the stand still in tears. Her waiting mother put an arm around her shoulders as they walked down the aisle and left the courtroom. Christopher Evans turned around in his seat and craned his neck to watch them go, wide-eyed and blinking hard. A bailiff shook his head sternly and tapped Evans on the shoulder. He turned back around. NO COMMUNICATION WITH INMATES PURS. 4570 PENAL CODE, said a sign posted in the courtroom.


The intersection of 85th Avenue and International Boulevard, where Christopher Evans spent most of his life until 2001, lies deep in East Oakland, just past the Oakland Coliseum towards the San Leandro border. It’s an area of small businesses, barred windows, and barking front yard dogs. The Allen Temple Baptist Church, an imposing institution in East Oakland, takes up one corner, its name displayed proudly in bold text above a closed gate. Sedans cruise speed-bumped streets on oversized rims. Their stereos vibrate the air and rattle windows. A few haggard-looking and shabbily dressed men and women sit on boxes on the sidewalk. The police beats surrounding 85th and International rank among Oakland’s least safe.

It’s a place where there are “a lot of youngsters who have no life of privilege,” Belle Ward-Johnson, a longtime neighborhood business owner who knew both Evans and Tina Rose for years, testified during the trial. “The death penalty is also on the streets for these kids,” she said. “It’s imposed daily.”

Rose and Tommy Lee Brown learned that firsthand more than eight years ago. Yesterday morning, in court, Evans waited to learn whether the same penalty would be imposed upon him by the State of California.

During final arguments the week before, DuBois had made a final pitch for a sentence of life without parole. He told jurors not to partake in the “unnecessary killing” of someone not among “the worst of the worst.” He painted a bleak picture of the isolated, lonely life Evans would lead in prison. One day, decades from now, Dubois said, a guard would find him dead in his cell. “The guard will put him in a body bag and carry him out to his grave,” he said. “And that is punishment enough.”

Nieto had urged the jury otherwise. “Don’t fall victim to an unfair guilt trip,” he said. “This isn’t about whether or not you are good people.” He showed a close-up photo of Rose’s blood-soaked head, and photos of Rose and Brown’s coffins. “Let’s make a huge distinction,” he said. “Murder is the killing of innocent people. Your fixing the penalty of death in this trial is not murder. It’s punishment.”

Now as the bailiff called Department 8 to order and jury filed in, Evans sat slouched at the defense table, DuBois and Selvin to his right. Nieto sat alone in a pinstriped suit at the table next to them. In the public seating area behind where Nieto sat, relatives of Rose and Brown filled two rows. Recently appointed Alameda County District Attorney Nancy O’Malley, who had arrived to watch the verdict, sat across the aisle.

Nakahara asked who the jury’s foreperson was. A tall, slender middle-aged man with glasses and neatly parted gray hair raised his hand from the box’s second row.

“It is my understanding the jury has reached a verdict, is that correct?” Nakahara said.

“Yes, sir,” the foreman answered.

The foreman handed an envelope to the bailiff, who walked it over to the court clerk. The clerk stood and read the verdict aloud: “We, the jury, fix the penalty for Christopher Evans at death.”

Evans, DuBois, and Selvin gave no visible reaction. The crowd in the courtroom was silent, as well, though many would hug one another later on outside the courthouse. Evans’ formal sentencing before Judge Nakahara was set for February 3. The jurors left the box, crossed the courtroom in a line, and filed out one by one. Nieto and O’Malley shook hands and hugged. DuBois and Selvin slipped out of the courtroom together, talking quietly about appeals to come. Evans was led out the side door through which he had entered, soon to be the 686th inmate on California’s death row.

Source: Sam Laird, Oakland North, Nov. 24, 2009

Kentucky’s Highest Court Halts Executions in State

The Supreme Court of Kentucky suspended executions in the state Wednesday, ruling that officials did not follow state law in adopting its procedures for killing inmates.

The decision did not address whether it is inhumane to use a three-drug cocktail in lethal injections, as critics have argued.

The Kentucky case concerned three inmates slated for execution: Brian Keith Moore, Ralph Baze and Thomas C. Bowling.

Mr. Baze’s case made its way to the United States Supreme Court, which stopped lethal injections across the country until last year, when it issued an opinion declaring Kentucky’s death penalty method — using the three-drug cocktail — to be constitutional.

The Kentucky justices said the Department of Corrections must follow the rules of the state’s administrative procedures act in the protocol for lethal injection, which include publication of the details of the procedure and public hearings on the matter.

“The Department of Corrections is required by Kentucky law to promulgate a regulation as to all portions of the lethal injection protocol except those limited issues of internal management that are purely of concern to department personnel,” wrote Justice Lisabeth Hughes Abramson for the majority of the court.

Gov. Steve Beshear issued a statement on Wednesday, saying his administration would “carefully review the decision and consider which steps we need to take.” Kentucky has 36 inmates on death row.

Megan McCracken, a lawyer with the Death Penalty Clinic at the University of California, Berkeley, hailed the Kentucky decision, saying it “will shine light on the lethal injection process and create accountability for the procedures that are used.”

Similar court challenges led to new regulations in California and Maryland, and Nebraska recently published a proposed protocol, Ms. McCracken said.

But Kent Scheidegger, the legal director of the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation in Sacramento, Calif., a group that supports the death penalty, said, “This has nothing to do with the validity of the protocol, avoiding suffering, or transparency in decision making.” Instead, he said, “It is purely a stalling tactic.”

The dissenting Kentucky justices stated a similar view.

In a partial dissent, Justice Bill Cunningham wrote that the court’s decision “turns on a sterile technicality” and would lead to further challenges and delay — “maybe much more delay” — in death penalty cases. Justice Will T. Scott wrote that all three men’s crimes occurred more than a decade ago, and one, 30 years ago.

“These cases cry out for closure. The families of the victims cry out for closure,” he wrote. “Respect for our law erodes when timely punishment is not given its fair place upon the scales of justice.”

Mr. Baze told The Associated Press that he understood that his execution was likely to go forward eventually, but applauded the decision. “It gets us through Christmas,” he said. “That’s a couple of months. That’s good.”

The Kentucky opinion was handed down on the same day that the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, in Cincinnati, refused to stop an execution in Ohio based on a challenge to that state’s protocol for lethal injection.

The convict in that case, Kenneth Biros, faces death by lethal injection on Dec. 8, but obtained a stay of execution based on his argument that Ohio’s old protocol — which used the three-drug method — constitutes cruel and unusual punishment. But because of the shift to a single drug, the court said, “any challenge to Ohio’s three-drug execution protocol is now moot.” It left open the possibility that Mr. Biros or other prisoners might challenge the new one-drug protocol.

Prof. Douglas A. Berman, an authority on sentencing law at Ohio State University, said judges around the country were coming down on opposite sides of the same question and asked, “Where are we going to let the risk of error lie?”

Judges who are uncomfortable with the death penalty, he said, “will usually want to be shown that every possible error, every possible risk of error has been eliminated” before allowing an execution. Others, he said, “will say, ‘close enough for government work.’ ”

Source: The New York Times, Nov. 25, 2009

Remarks on Uganda's anti-homosexuality law

Remarks by Stephen Lewis, Co-Director of AIDS-Free World delivered at the Commonwealth People's Forum on the Eve of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM)

This is a moment of truth for the Commonwealth. The anti-homosexuality Private Member's Bill introduced into the parliament of Uganda, and now proceeding through the normal legislative process, puts the Commonwealth's legitimacy and integrity to the test.

In a fashion unmistakable in both clarity and intent, the putative legislation declares war on homosexuality. There are deeply offensive sodomy laws and homophobic statutes on the books of many other Commonwealth countries, particularly here in the Caribbean. But nothing is as stark, punitive and redolent of hate as the Bill in Uganda; nothing comes close to such an omnibus violation of the human rights of sexual  minorities. For some time now, Uganda has had offensive anti-homosexual legislation on the books, but this variant, this inflammatory redesign makes of the law a veritable charter of malice.

What is truly staggering about all of this is that not a peep of skepticism or incredulity has come from President Museveni. And President Museveni is chairing the Commonwealth Heads of Government summit. In so doing, he makes a mockery of Commonwealth principles.

One must remember that the last meeting of CHOGM was held in Uganda in 2007, and issued what is called the "Munyonyo Statement of Respect and Understanding". It asserted that the Commonwealth "is a body well-placed to affirm the fundamental truth that diversity is one of humanity's greatest strengths". It went on to say that "accepting diversity, respecting the dignity of all human beings, and understanding the richness of our multiple identities have always been fundamental to the Commonwealth's principles and approach ". President Museveni signed the document. How in the world does he reconcile the affirmation then with the defamation now?

It is noteworthy that much of the strongest opposition to the Bill is coming from the courageous Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender activists on the ground. LGBT activism always commands admiration, but in this instance especially so, because their very lives hang in the balance.

The proposed legislation actually mandates the death penalty for any HIV positive gay man who has sex with another man or any HIV-positive lesbian who has sex with another woman. But because it's often hard to believe the sheer malignancy of language, let me quote directly from the Bill itself. Section 2 of the Bill is titled, "The offence of homosexuality". It reads as follows: Clause "(1) A person commits the offence of homosexuality if --- (a) he penetrates the anus or mouth of another person of the same sex with his penis or any other sexual contraption; (b) he or she uses any object or sexual contraption to penetrate or stimulate the sexual organ of a person of the same sex; (c) he or she touches another person with the intention of committing the act of homosexuality."

Clause "(2) A person who commits an offence under this section shall be liable on conviction to imprisonment for life".

Where does the death penalty enter this twisted world of sexual paranoia? Let me quote the applicable section and sub-section. Section 3 of the Bill is titled, "Aggravated homosexuality". It reads in part: "A person commits the offence of aggravated homosexuality where the offender is a person living with HIV". "A person who commits the offence of aggravated homosexuality shall be liable on conviction to suffer death". And just in case there's any conjecture, we have this finale: "Where a person is charged with the offence under this section, that person shall undergo a medical examination to ascertain his or her HIV status".

From whence do such sentiments arise? What dark corner of the soul is at work? The entire bill confounds rationality.

In fact, the legislation has a powerfully Orwellian flavor. Section 14 has the title "Failure to disclose the offence". It requires everyone in the entire society to report on any evidence of homosexuality and to do so within 24 hours. If it weren't so extreme, so menacing, so lunatic, it would be the stuff of theatrical parody. Parents, teachers, doctors, entrepreneurs, preachers, landlords, community health workers, members of the media, civil society activists, anyone who can identify a homosexual, gay or lesbian, or has reason to believe that homosexuality is lurking, must report to the authorities or face a fine, or jail term of 3 to 10 years, or both. Can you imagine a father or a mother turning in a son or daughter? Can you imagine a teacher ratting on a student? Can you imagine a physician who's taken a Hippocratic oath to tend to the sick betraying that trust because of a patient's sexual orientation? But that's exactly what this law requires.

I've truly never seen its like before. Please forgive the harsh language, but this intended anti-homosexual statute has the taste of fascism.

And yet, that's only the half of it. What is put at terrible risk here --- beyond the threat of the death penalty for HIV-positive homosexuals --- is the entire apparatus of AIDS treatment, prevention and care.

It's profoundly ironic that the country that's seen as emblematic of success in fighting the pandemic is now contemplating such a decisive step backwards. The effect of this legislation will inevitably be to demonize homosexuality even further, to intensify stigma, to drive gay men and women underground, to terrify them in their everyday lives, to diminish dramatically the prospect of counseling and testing to establish HIV status, to make it virtually impossible to reach homosexuals with the knowledge and education and condoms that prevent the spread of AIDS.

It's equally ironic that this retreat into the dark ages of the virus comes at precisely the moment when the world understands the overwhelming importance of dealing with high risk groups, be they sex workers, or injecting drug users or men who have sex with men. Indeed, in Uganda itself, as recently as last year, the Uganda AIDS Commission, in conjunction with UNAIDS, called for a review of legal obstacles to the inclusion of most-at-risk populations, including MSM, in the response to the pandemic. That review built logically on the introduction, by the Ministry of Health in 2008, of the "Most At Risk Populations' Initiative" (MARPI) formulated to target specific groups, including homosexuals.

The new legislation thus eviscerates existing public policy. Is no one in the political apparatus of Uganda alert to the destructiveness of it all? I am reminded of the remarkably sensible words of Michael Kirby, former justice of the High Court of Australia: " the fact remains that the current approaches, particularly in Commonwealth countries in Africa, Asia and the Caribbean, place an impediment in the way of tackling this major epidemic. Criminalize people and you cannot reach out to their minds and effectively influence their conduct that message is now one of great importance for the Commonwealth of Nations where AIDS is definitely a priority issue."

Indeed, there's a very real crisis of conscience in the offing. Both the Presidential HIV/AIDS Initiative in the United States --- PEPFAR as it's known --- and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, have invested huge sums in Uganda to subdue the pandemic. Last year from PEPFAR alone, the amount was $283 million, and the Global Fund has a five-year commitment of another $250 million. But both those organizations premise their support in part on dealing with high-risk groups. What are they to do? This is no trifling matter. Members of Congress have already written to the Secretary of State raising the dilemma of having PEPFAR's work on the ground in Uganda so dramatically compromised. More, under the recent revisions to PEPFAR, the United States must now negotiate "Partnership Framework Agreements" with recipient countries, and part of the agreement hinges on addressing target groups, including men who have sex with men. How in the world is that to be negotiated in the face of the anti-homosexuality bill?

Moreover, under President Obama, American policy is clearly shifting. This is a very good thing. Under the previous administration, the United States, through PEPFAR, forced countries like Uganda into compliance with awful policies involving, for example, sex workers and abstinence; the United States used money, and withheld money, to serve a right-wing agenda. In a sense, Obama is now involved in an act of redemption.

Just last March, the US administration declared its support for a UN declaration on sexual orientation and gender identity. The declaration is strong: it calls on all countries to decriminalize consensual homosexual conduct, and it condemns violence, discrimination, exclusion and stigmatization based on sexual orientation and gender identity. It also condemns killings and executions, arbitrary arrest and deprivation of economic, social and cultural rights on those same grounds. The declaration is seen as a great victory for LGBT human rights. It has the support of 67 member states. I note, with consternation, that Mauritius is the only African Commonwealth country to have signed, and I note, with profound dismay, that not a single Commonwealth country in the Caribbean has signaled support.

President Obama, on the other hand, is firmly on record for the protection of gay and lesbian rights, and Hilary Clinton has said "human rights is and always will be one of the pillars of our foreign policy. In particular, persecution and discrimination against gays and lesbians is something we take very seriously". Dr. Eric Goosby, who heads PEPFAR, is even more firmly on the record: "I look forward to working with field and headquarters staff, Congress and others in the Administration to ensure that PEPFAR effectively targets the most-at-risk and vulnerable populations --- including LGBT populations --- with culturally appropriate prevention, care and treatment interventions".

The Government of Uganda and PEPFAR are on a collision course. President Museveni had best wake up and smell the dollars.

I would never wish to counsel financial penalties, but it's a real conundrum. Worse, the employees of the non-governmental community-based organizations that receive the money would be subject to risk of imprisonment if they continued to work with homosexuals. I was struck by a letter written to the American Ambassador in Uganda, from a group of Foundations that do HIV/AIDS programming in the country, asking him to "take appropriately stern action to oppose the bill " They were agitated and vehement in their condemnation of the Bill, noting that it put their local and international employees and consultants at risk of criminal charges. They felt, in fact, that the Bill has already applied a chill to human rights and civil liberties in Uganda and is an unrelievedly nasty piece of work. They observed, somewhat sardonically, that the Ambassador has diplomatic immunity, but their collective staff in the projects they funded have no such protection.

And the complications abound.

The new Executive Director of UNAIDS (and ironically, a former UNICEF Representative in Uganda who knows Museveni well) has staked a good part of his growing reputation on deploring homophobic legislation, valiantly fighting for the human rights of the gay community and speaking unequivocally about his revulsion at punitive anti-homosexual behavior. As a matter of fact, Michel Sidibe is on record in a way that speaks directly to the import of the Ugandan Bill. He is reliably reported to have said (and it certainly rings true): "It pains me that 80 countries have laws which criminalize same-sex sex, and it outrages me that seven countries can invoke the death sentence for homosexual practice".

Well, now it verges on 8 countries, and the death sentence is directly linked with HIV-positive gay men. So what, I ask, does Michel Sidibe do now? Does he communicate that outrage directly and publically to President Museveni? Does he enlist the intervention of the UN Secretary-General? Does he write to the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth and ask that Uganda be suspended in the event that the legislation passes in its present form? What counsel does he give to the Global Fund and PEPFAR? These are not idle questions: the Executive Director of UNAIDS is an influential figure who cannot allow his outrage to be but sound and fury ending in capitulation.

Furthermore, what's going on with the legislation is not simply confined to the egregious sections that I've quoted. There are several additional odious sections; the erosion of human rights has few limits. One other clause of the Bill purports to extend the arm of the state into the bedrooms of the world. Using what is called "extraterritoriality", the legislation decrees that any Ugandan engaging in homosexual acts outside of Uganda is equally culpable, and will be arrested and charged accordingly. Thus, homosexuality joins terrorism and treason in the pantheon of extraterritorial jurisdiction to be exercised by Uganda. How this would be enforced is not immediately apparent, and of course the clause is ridiculous, but the ridiculous has a habit of becoming national jurisprudence if it's driven by hatred.

The evidence of just how foolhardy and crazed the legislation is, lies in its most extreme feature: the Bill asserts that where any of its provisions is in conflict with any international human rights instrument that Uganda has ratified, the content of the Bill will prevail over international law. This is palpable nonsense, and simply not possible. But it is a fascinating glimpse into the twisted cerebral calculus that fashioned the legislation.

Naturally, the protagonists of the legislation are mounting arguments in its defense. The arguments are unsustainable.

We are reminded that this is a Private Member's Bill, and the Government is simply following legislative practice in allowing it to be debated. That's just a clever ruse. I sat in a Commonwealth parliament for more than 15ears, and where a Private Member's Bill threatens to dominate public debate and the parliamentary session, the government always makes clear where it stands. In this instance, the defenders point out that President Museveni has not yet spoken. He has found time, since the Bill was tabled on October 14th last, to make some disparaging remarks about homosexuals at a recent youth event in Kampala, but it's true that he hasn't yet definitively pronounced on the Bill itself. But ominously, one of his senior cabinet ministers has: Mr. James Nsaba Buturo, Minister of Ethics and Integrity heralded the legislation with apparent enthusiasm. InterPress News quotes him as saying "It is with joy we see that everyone is interested in what Uganda is doing, and it is an opportunity for Uganda to provide leadership where it matters most. So we are here to see a piece of legislation that will not only define what the country stands for, but actually provide leadership around the world."

He could better be called the Minister of Fear and Loathing.

I know that the views I am expressing on behalf of the organization I represent, AIDS-Free World, will seem tough and harsh to some. But let me tell you what we feel.

We don't think that this piece of legislation deserves a careful parsing of its clauses, invoking all of the international human rights instruments that Uganda has endorsed, from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, attempting to show where the Bill is in conflict with human rights principles. That just gives far too much credibility to the proposed legislation. On its face, without more than a simple glance at the substance, the Bill is revealed as an unbridled attack on the human rights of sexual minorities. There is no overall clause worthy of retention. There are phrases here or there (like the prohibition of sex with a minor) that any sentient human being can agree with. But the Bill cannot possibly be salvaged. It must be expunged in total from the parliamentary record. And for those who believe in conspiracy theories, let me say that the fundamentalist hand of the religious right in the United States is not difficult to discern.

Nor do we think that we need treat this issue with respect. We don't believe that we have to 'respectfully submit' our arguments to anyone, or seek to 'respectfully influence' the powers-that-be. There are some moments in life where defining issues are indelibly joined. I remember sitting behind my then Canadian Prime Minister, Brian Mulroney, at the Commonwealth meeting in Vancouver in 1987. The issue was apartheid. The contest was between Margaret Thatcher and Mulroney, and Mulroney let her have it. There was no respectful pretense. He didn't parse the pass laws, he didn't invoke the clauses of international covenants, he just lacerated Prime Minister Thatcher for defending apartheid, and he decried it for what it was: a totalitarian regime rooted in racism and the savage decimation of human rights. It's worth noting that he was joined by Sir Shridath Ramphal, then the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, who was slightly more restrained but unmistakable of tone and purpose. That was a time when the Commonwealth stood for something.

The analogy with apartheid is not a stretch. In 1998, the Constitutional Court of South Africa ruled on a case involving the National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality. The court held that "the constitutional protection of dignity requires us to acknowledge the value and worth of all individuals as members of our society." The court then concluded with the words, "Just as apartheid legislation rendered the lives of couples of different racial groups perpetually at risk, the sodomy offence builds insecurity and vulnerability into the daily lives of gay men. There can be no doubt that the existence of a law which punishes a form of sexual expression for gay men degrades and devalues gay men in our broader society. As such it is a palpable invasion of their dignity and a breach of the Constitution."

It's no accident that the recent judgment of the High Court of Delhi in India in July of this year similarly struck down a provision of the Indian Penal Code that criminalized consensual same sex conduct, finding that it was a violation of the right to live in privacy and dignity, which privacy and dignity were constitutionally protected.

In other words, on every conceivable front the anti-homosexuality legislation has not a statutory leg to stand on.

Yet President Museveni is permitting it to proceed. And at the meeting of Heads of the Commonwealth, he will, sadly enough, find a throaty gaggle of like-minded colleagues.

It would not surprise us if the Prime Minister of Jamaica were particularly thrilled. Jamaica is, as everyone knows, a hot-bed of homophobia, more pronounced than anywhere else in the Caribbean. And while Jamaica would never introduce a bill akin to that of Uganda, the political leadership in general, and the Prime Minister in particular are willing to sustain a rabidly hostile environment for all lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered people. I visited Jamaica not so long ago for the precise purpose of examining the relationship between the criminalization of homosexuality on the one hand and HIV/AIDS on the other. The connection is
indisputable. I met with several of the sexual minority groups, and the stories of hatred and beatings and harassment and prejudice make the blood run cold.
And so the situation becomes a breeding ground for AIDS. Let it be understood: it's not homosexuality that spreads AIDS; it's the culture that brutalizes gay men and forces them underground that spreads AIDS. The prevalence rate in the general population of Jamaica is barely 1.5%. The prevalence rate amongst the community of MSM is over 31%. The HIV-positive gay men become what UNAIDS calls the classic bridging population to show that they're 'real' men and protect themselves from the wrath of society, they marry or take women as lovers so that their acquired heterosexuality is firmly on display. And then the women get infected. The cloistered gay sexual behavior, driven by fear and the sodomy laws, keeps them away from testing and health care and education that would diminish HIV infection. It's a crazy equation. But the Prime Minister of Jamaica pays no heed. One can almost imagine President Museveni and Prime Minister Golding cozying up together around the Commonwealth table as they share dismissive laughter about the woes of the gay community, while simultaneously signing the latest Commonwealth declaration on universal human rights.

The trouble is: it's no laughing matter. Of the 53 countries in the Commonwealth, 40 have sodomy laws. A majority of states in the Commonwealth Caribbean have a sodomy law: it's a sure recipe for the gradual, ineluctable spread of the virus. In a recent report on AIDS, UNAIDS points out that whereas " HIV prevalence is less than 1% among the general population of most countries in the region, it may be between 5 and 20 times higher among men who have sex with men." In its Epidemic Update for 2009, issued just today, UNAIDS re-emphasizes the alarming rates of transmission amongst the MSM populations in the Caribbean. By way of direct comparison with the Caribbean, every single country in Latin America has removed punitive legislation directed at homosexuals, making the prevention and treatment of AIDS vastly more accessible.

Africa is another throw-back. We've finally reached the point where the epidemiologists are chronicling the spread of AIDS within the homosexual population of the continent. Until now, the subject was taboo the possibility of gayness was rejected out of hand. But UNAIDS provides this disturbing quote: "A recent literature review of HIV infection among men who have sex with men in Africa identified 19 surveys published through May 2009 from 13 countries, in addition to several unpublished works, highlighting the expansion of available data. For each country, the HIV prevalence among men who have sex with men was higher than among the adult male population." In today's newly-released Epidemic Update for 2009 to which I've referred, UNAIDS, for the first time ever, devotes a lengthy section to the increasing evidence of elevated transmission of the virus amongst the MSM population.

In this context, it's positively criminal to table a parliamentary bill like that of Uganda. It's one thing to talk about the promotion of the 'traditional family' as the author of the Bill does ad nauseam; it's quite another thing to incite the promotion of disease and murder. Gays and lesbians don't challenge traditional families; their private sexual practices don't invade the sanctity of family life. The accusation is a vile canard. People who plead the supremacy of family values over other human values have one of two motives: either they're biblical fundamentalists whose religiosity has gone haywire, or they're so steeped in irrational fear of different sexual orientation that human rights have no meaning.

Ultimately, the Commonwealth has a severe crisis on its hands. It may seem a fortuitous distraction to focus on the financial downturn and climate change. To be sure, they're both important. But roiling just beneath the
surface of calm deliberation is this immense civil libertarian struggle. We know we'll win the struggle. It's just a matter of time. It always is. But in the process, intense pain will be felt, lives will be ruined, people will die. That's what is too much to bear. A terrible price is always paid on the incremental road to social justice in this case, an entire community held to the ransom of predatory fear.

President Museveni is no fool. He'll figure a way out before fatal damage is done to his reputation. But if we want that to come sooner than later, the Commonwealth must put Uganda's anti-homosexuality law on its agenda. Someone has to raise it; perhaps Prime Minister Gordon Brown. It should be collectively agreed that if the law passes, Uganda will be suspended from the Commonwealth. The credibility of the Commonwealth is hanging by a spider's thread. The member states take it less and less seriously. Climate change will be resolved at Copenhagen next month or Bonn or Mexico City in 2010; nothing will be resolved here at Port of Spain. The financial crisis will be dealt with by the G8 and G20 in Canada in 2010; nothing will be resolved here at Port of Spain. If the once-upon-a-time civilized values of the post-colonial Commonwealth are to be restored, then the monstrous war on homosexuality is the place to start the restoration.

Uganda makes a perfect beginning.

Source: All Africa News, Nov. 25, 2009

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